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Notes/Chinese (Mandarin)/变革: inequality, megacities and internal migration since 1978
Notes · Chinese (Mandarin)UK · A-Levels

变革: inequality, megacities and internal migration since 1978

This topic carries the first sub-theme of Edexcel Theme 4, 1978 年改革开放对中国的影响 (traditional 1978 年改革開放對中國的影響): 变革 (變革), which the specification exemplifies as 贫富差距, 超级大都市 and 城市移民. A political-life slot carries Theme 4 because the platform's frozen topic ids contain no history slot, and because this material is the social consequence of a political decision - the sub-theme is not about politics as such but about what changed in ordinary lives. This is recent and contested history, and it is treated here the way an examiner wants it treated: dated, documented events are stated plainly; every interpretation is attributed to somebody and named as an interpretation; the live disagreements are presented as disagreements; no statistic is invented anywhere, and magnitudes are given comparatively; and no quotation is placed in anybody's mouth. The weight of the topic stays on language and analysis rather than on current affairs.

5 sections·~37 min reading time·4 competencies·Level Standard 1 · Advanced 4

T·0555 / 13
Exam profile
AO1 · Understand and respond, in speech and in writing, to spoken Chinese about social and economic changeAO2 · Understand and respond, in speech and in writing, to written Chinese of historical and reportage registerAO3 · Manipulate Chinese accurately, using a range of lexis and structure to narrate, compare and evaluate changeAO4 · Show knowledge and understanding of, and respond critically to, the social consequences of reform and opening-up
Operators:描述解释分析比较评价论证翻译

basic level

At first-year standard the expectation is an accurate, dated outline with a clear personal response: when reform began, what a special economic zone was, what a megacity looks like, who moves to one and why, and what the student thinks about it - expressed with secure time expressions, correct placement of dates before the verb, and 因为…所以… and 虽然…但是… used properly.

higher level

The full A-Level expects argument rather than chronicle, and attribution rather than assertion. Was reform a plan or a sequence of experiments, and who says which? Are the gains and the costs borne by the same people? Is the household registration system a control on migration, a rationing of services, or both? Language should reach for 由于, 从而, 使得, 随着, 尽管…仍然…, 一方面…另一方面… and the comparative family, all of which carry consequence and qualification.

Depth

Reading depth: In depth

Text

Text size: Standard

Contents · 5 sections▾
  1. 变革: inequality, megacities and internal migration since 1978
    • 01改革开放: the dated spine, and how to talk about it honestly●
    • 02贫富差距: three gaps, and the language to describe them without numbers●
    • 03超级大都市: what a megacity is, and what living in one costs◐
    • 04城市移民: who moves, what they leave behind, and the system in the middle●
    • 05Exam technique: writing about inequality without inventing numbers●
§ 01

改革开放: the dated spine, and how to talk about it honestly#

●●●AdvancedLPPearson Edexcel 9CN0 Theme 4 1978 年改革开放对中国的影响 - 变革LPDfE GCE AS and A level subject content for modern foreign languages

改革开放: five dated landmarks

1978 - 2001Timeline from 1978 to 2001, 1978: 三中全会, 1980: 经济特区, 1990: 浦东开发, 1992: 南方谈话, 2001: 加入世贸, 1978–2001: 改革开放19782001年改革开放1978三中全会1980经济特区1990浦东开发1992南方谈话2001加入世贸
Fig. 1Five events that can be dated to a year and checked, drawn as the spine on which every interpretation in this theme rests. The span marks the period the sub-theme covers. The emphasised event is 1978, because the December plenum is the conventional marker from which the whole period is counted, and being precise about it is the cheapest credit available in the topic.

Key points

Take the dated events first, because they are checkable and everything contested rests on them. In December 1978 the Third Plenum of the Eleventh Central Committee, 十一届三中全会 (shíyī jiè sān zhōng quánhuì), set the course conventionally called 改革开放 (gǎigé kāifàng), reform and opening-up; 邓小平 (Dèng Xiǎopíng) is the figure most associated with it. In agriculture the 家庭联产承包责任制 (jiātíng liánchǎn chéngbāo zérènzhì), the household responsibility system, replaced collective farming from the end of the 1970s. From 1980 a small number of 经济特区 (jīngjì tèqū), special economic zones, were established, of which 深圳 (Shēnzhèn) is the best known. In 1990 the development of 浦东 (Pǔdōng) in Shanghai was announced. In 1992 came 邓小平's southern tour and its talks, 南方谈话 (nánfāng tánhuà). In 2001 China joined the World Trade Organization, 加入世界贸易组织. It is worth being clear about what these dates are and are not. Each is a documented event with a date attached, and each is conventionally used as a marker; none of them is a cause on its own, and treating the December 1978 plenum as the moment everything changed would be a simplification the sources themselves do not support. Dates anchor an argument; they do not constitute one.
The vocabulary of the period is exact and should be learnt as a set, because a candidate who uses it precisely sounds like a reader of Chinese sources. 计划经济 (jìhuà jīngjì) planned economy and 市场经济 (shìchǎng jīngjì) market economy; 国有企业 (guóyǒu qǐyè) state-owned enterprise, often clipped to 国企, and 民营企业 (mínyíng qǐyè) private enterprise; 外资 (wàizī) foreign capital; 政策 (zhèngcè) policy and 改革 (gǎigé) reform as a noun and a verb. The gradualist character of the process is often summed up in the phrase 摸着石头过河 (mōzhe shítou guò hé), crossing the river by feeling for the stones - present it as a phrase widely used to describe the approach, not as a quotation from any individual. Two further nouns complete the working set and are worth precision. 开放 is opening up - to foreign trade, investment and exchange - and is the half of 改革开放 that candidates most often ignore, though it is where the Sino-British material of the next topic connects. And 试点 (a pilot or trial site) is the term for the local experiment that, if successful, was generalised, which is the concrete form the gradualism took.
Now the interpretation, and here the discipline is to attribute. There is genuine and continuing disagreement about what reform was. Some accounts describe a designed programme carried through in stages. Others describe a sequence of local experiments that were tolerated, then generalised once they worked, so that the policy followed the practice rather than the other way round. A third line stresses external conditions - foreign investment, access to export markets, the timing of accession to the WTO. Serious historians and economists hold each of these. Write 关于改革开放是不是一开始就有完整的计划, 学者们的看法并不一致 - scholars do not agree about whether reform had a complete plan from the outset - and you have made an analytical statement that is also true. One further disagreement is worth naming because it is live and because a candidate can handle it well. Historians differ over how far the changes of the reform era should be read as a break with what preceded them and how far as a continuation of earlier attempts at reorganisation. Saying that the periodisation itself is argued about is a sophisticated move and it is accurate.
Three further habits keep this topic safe and strong. First, distinguish 目标 (target), 政策 (policy) and 结果 (result); an announced target is not a policy and a policy is not a result, and conflating them is the commonest error in the whole theme. Second, when you need scale, use comparison: 比八十年代高得多 (far higher than in the 1980s), 增长速度已经放慢 (the rate of growth has already slowed), 差距仍然存在 (the gap still exists). Third, when a judgement is disputed, name the dispute rather than picking a side silently: 这个问题在中国国内和国外都有争论 - this question is argued about both inside and outside China. A fourth habit belongs with these three: attach a date to a claim wherever you can, because a dated claim is checkable and an undated one is an impression. 八十年代初 is better than 改革开放以后, and 1992 年以后 is better than 后来. Precision about time is the cheapest form of precision available in this theme and it costs two characters.
Worked example

Paper 1 Section C: translation into English of a historical passage

Translate into English. 一般认为, 中国的改革开放是从 1978 年 12 月开始的. 最早的变化发生在农村: 农民可以在完成任务以后自己支配剩下的产品, 积极性因此明显提高. 八十年代初, 政府又在南方设立了几个经济特区, 希望通过外资和出口带动整个经济. 不过, 关于这些政策在多大程度上是事先设计好的, 学者们至今没有一致的答案.

  1. 01一般认为, 中国的改革开放是从 1978 年 12 月开始的

    一般认为 is an impersonal attribution - it is generally held that - and it is the single most useful opening in this whole theme, because it lets you state a convention without asserting it as fact. 是…的 is the emphatic frame here bracketing 从 1978 年 12 月开始: it was from December 1978 that it began. The date order runs large to small, year then month, the reverse of British convention.

  2. 02最早的变化发生在农村

    最早的 is the superlative attributive with 的. 发生在 is verb plus locative complement: took place in. Note that Chinese puts 在农村 after 发生 because it is a complement of location for an event, not a coverb phrase before the verb - one of the few places where a place expression follows the verb, and worth noticing precisely because it is the exception.

  3. 03农民可以在完成任务以后自己支配剩下的产品

    在…以后 brackets the time clause and stands before the verb. 完成任务 is to complete the quota or assignment. 自己 is the reflexive from the Appendix 3 pronoun list, here meaning for themselves. 支配 is to dispose of or have control over. 剩下的产品 is a pre-nominal attributive built on a verb: the produce that was left over.

  4. 04积极性因此明显提高

    积极性 is a noun formed with the Appendix 3 suffix 性 - literally activeness, best rendered as motivation or willingness to work. 因此 is the formal therefore. 明显 (markedly) is an adverb before the verb. 提高 is to rise or be raised; English will usually need rose markedly or increased noticeably. This is a four-word sentence carrying a causal claim, and the compression is characteristic of the register.

  5. 05八十年代初, 政府又在南方设立了几个经济特区, 希望通过外资和出口带动整个经济

    八十年代初 is the early 1980s, with 初 as the beginning of a period. 又 marks a further step in a sequence. 在南方 is a coverb phrase before the verb, the normal position. 设立了 with 了 is completed. 几个 is the indefinite small number with its measure word. 通过…带动 is by means of X, to drive Y - 通过 is a coverb and 带动 a verb of impelling.

  6. 06不过, 关于这些政策在多大程度上是事先设计好的, 学者们至今没有一致的答案

    关于 is the coverb regarding, and here it introduces a long nominalised question that is the object of the whole sentence. 在多大程度上 is to what extent, an adverbial phrase before the verb. 事先设计好的 is designed in advance, with 好 as a resultative complement of completion. 至今 is up to now, pre-verbal. 一致的答案 is an agreed answer. Render: scholars still have no agreed answer as to how far these policies were designed in advance.

  7. 07Where the marks are

    The examinable joints are 一般认为 as an impersonal attribution, the 是…的 emphatic frame, 发生在 as a post-verbal locative, the 性 nominalisation in 积极性, 通过…带动 as a means-and-effect pair, and the long nominalised clause under 关于. Note also what the passage models: it states dates flatly, describes a mechanism, and then reports a scholarly disagreement rather than resolving it. That is exactly the register this whole theme should be written in.

Result: It is generally held that China's reform and opening-up began in December 1978. The earliest changes took place in the countryside: once farmers had met their quota, they could dispose of the remaining produce themselves, and their motivation consequently rose markedly. In the early 1980s the government went on to establish several special economic zones in the south, hoping to drive the economy as a whole through foreign investment and exports. Scholars still have no agreed answer, however, as to how far these policies were designed in advance.

Exam focus

  • Anchor on 1978, 1980, 1990, 1992 and 2001; dated events are the evidence everything else hangs on (AO4).
  • Attribute the competing accounts of what reform was, and name the disagreement as a disagreement (AO4).
  • Keep 目标, 政策 and 结果 apart; an announced target is not an achieved outcome (AO4).
  • Give magnitudes comparatively - 高得多, 已经放慢, 仍然存在 - and never with an invented figure (AO4, AO3).

Typical mistakes

  • Dating reform to 1979 or 1980 without saying why. The conventional marker is the plenum of December 1978, and being precise about it is free credit.
  • Presenting 摸着石头过河 as a quotation from a named individual. It is a phrase in wide circulation describing an approach; use it as such.
  • Treating WTO accession in 2001 as the beginning of opening-up. It came more than two decades after the plenum and marks a stage, not a start.
  • Writing 中国变了很多 as the analysis. It is a starting point, not a claim; every sentence in this theme should say what changed and for whom.

Active revision

用中文写一段大约 140 个字的文章, 说明改革开放的四个重要时间点, 并且解释为什么学者对 改革是不是一开始就有计划 这个问题看法不一致. 至少说明两种不同的解释各属于哪一类学者, 不要引用任何数字.

Active recall

Recall the key points — then reveal.

§ 02

贫富差距: three gaps, and the language to describe them without numbers#

●●●AdvancedLPPearson Edexcel 9CN0 Theme 4 - 变革: 贫富差距LPDfE GCE AS and A level subject content for modern foreign languages

Key points

贫富差距 (pín fù chājù), the gap between rich and poor, is best handled as three distinct gaps rather than one, because the distinction is itself the analysis. 城乡差距 (chéngxiāng chājù), the gap between town and countryside, which the household registration system historically reinforced. 地区差距 (dìqū chājù), the gap between regions - the coastal provinces, 沿海 (yánhǎi), against the inland ones, 内陆 (nèilù) or 中西部. And 行业差距, the gap between sectors, which is why two graduates of the same university can end up in very different circumstances. Naming three gaps rather than one immediately raises an answer above the generalised band. There is a fourth axis worth adding because it cuts across the other three and is easy to describe: the gap within a single city, between residents with local registration and those without. That axis connects directly to the 城市移民 material later in this topic, and noticing that inequality has a geography inside a city as well as between regions is the kind of observation that lifts an answer.
The vocabulary of the argument is precise and safe. 收入 (shōurù) income; 工资 (gōngzī) wages; 财富 (cáifù) wealth as a stock; 分配 (fēnpèi) distribution and 分配不均 (fēnpèi bù jūn) uneven distribution; 中产阶级 (zhōngchǎn jiējí) the middle class; 脱贫 (tuōpín) to escape poverty and 扶贫 (fúpín) poverty alleviation as a policy activity; 社会保障 (shèhuì bǎozhàng) social security; 医疗 (yīliáo) healthcare and 教育资源 (jiàoyù zīyuán) educational resources, the two services whose uneven distribution people actually experience. Note 均 in 分配不均: it is the classical morpheme for even, and its use marks the register as written rather than spoken. Two more terms round out the vocabulary and both are usable without any statistic. 小康 (xiǎokāng) is the long-established term for a moderately comfortable standard of living and appears constantly in official language, so quote it as such rather than adopting it. And 共同富裕 (gòngtóng fùyù), common prosperity, is a policy formulation that has been much used recently; the same rule applies - attribute it to the discourse it belongs to.
Here is where the honesty discipline bites hardest, because inequality invites numbers and every number you might reach for is either dated or unverifiable. What can be said plainly and defended: growth over the reform decades raised living standards very broadly and large numbers of people moved out of poverty; the gains were not evenly distributed between coast and interior or between city and countryside; a large urban middle class exists that did not exist in 1978; and the distribution of health care and schooling remains uneven. Say those things with 明显 (markedly), 长期 (over a long period), 仍然 (still) and 比…大得多, and your claims will survive any follow-up question. One further defensible statement belongs on that list and is worth having: that the composition of the gap has changed as well as its size. An inequality that was once primarily between the countryside and the city has become also an inequality between regions and within cities, which is a claim about kind rather than about quantity and is therefore both interesting and safe.
The interpretations, attributed. One position holds that some widening of inequality was the unavoidable price of rapid growth, and that what matters is whether the poorest became better off in absolute terms - 有人认为, 只要最穷的人也变好了, 差距扩大就不是最重要的问题. Another holds that a gap of this kind reproduces itself through unequal access to education and housing, so that it becomes structural rather than transitional - 也有人指出, 差距会通过教育和住房传给下一代. Both are held by serious economists; set them against each other, then take a position with a condition attached rather than a verdict. A third position exists and is worth knowing because it reframes the question. Some argue that what matters is not the gap itself but mobility - whether a person born poor can become better off - so that a large gap with high mobility and a small gap with low mobility are quite different situations. Introducing that distinction is a sophisticated move and it costs one sentence: 关键可能不是差距的大小, 而是流动的可能性.
Worked example

Building a comparative claim without a single statistic

You want to say that the gap between coastal cities and inland regions is large and persistent. Write the claim five ways, from the weakest to the strongest, and see what each version costs you.

  1. 01Version 1 - the fabricated number

    沿海地区的收入比内陆高百分之四十. Do not write this. You do not know the figure, it varies by year and by measure, and a marker who doubts it will doubt everything around it. The AO4 grid rewards evidence that is pertinent, and an unverifiable number is not pertinent evidence - it is a liability.

  2. 02Version 2 - the vague hedge, which is almost as weak

    沿海地区的收入好像比内陆高一些. 好像 (it seems) and 一些 (somewhat) together produce a sentence that commits to nothing. Hedging is not the same as being careful. A claim that cannot be wrong cannot be right either, and the grid's word for this is generalised.

  3. 03Version 3 - the comparative with a degree complement

    沿海地区的收入明显比内陆高. 明显 (markedly) states strength without stating size. This is already defensible and already better than either of the first two. The structure is 比 plus the standard plus the adjective, with the adverb before 比 - a placement worth fixing, because 比内陆明显高 is also possible but shifts the emphasis.

  4. 04Version 4 - add persistence, which is the real claim

    沿海和内陆之间的差距长期存在, 而且到现在仍然明显. 长期 (over a long period) and 仍然 (still) turn a snapshot into a claim about time, and time is what makes inequality interesting. 而且 escalates. Note 之间 for between, which requires the two terms in front of it: 沿海和内陆之间.

  5. 05Version 5 - add the mechanism, which is what earns the top band

    沿海和内陆之间的差距长期存在, 主要是因为好的学校, 医院和工作机会都集中在少数城市, 而这些资源很难在短时间内重新分配. Now there is a stated mechanism - concentration of schools, hospitals and jobs - and a reason it persists. 集中在 is verb plus locative complement; 重新分配 is to redistribute. The claim is strong, specific, mechanistic and contains no number at all.

  6. 06Why this counts as argument

    Version 5 is 55 characters and would sit in the top band of AO4 on this point, while version 1 might not survive the examiner's first follow-up. The general rule this exercise teaches applies across the whole subject: when you feel the pull towards a statistic, reach instead for a comparative, then for a time word, then for a mechanism. Those three moves say more than the number would have, and all three are things you actually know.

Result: 沿海和内陆之间的差距长期存在, 而且到现在仍然明显. 主要是因为好的学校, 医院和工作机会都集中在少数城市, 而这些资源很难在短时间内重新分配.

Exam focus

  • Split 贫富差距 into 城乡, 地区 and 行业; three gaps is an argument, one gap is a topic (AO4).
  • Use 分配不均, 脱贫, 扶贫, 社会保障, 教育资源 - the nouns people actually experience (AO4).
  • State magnitudes with 明显, 长期, 仍然 and 比…大得多; never with a figure (AO4).
  • Attribute the price-of-growth argument and the self-reproducing argument, then judge conditionally (AO4).

Typical mistakes

  • Quoting a Gini coefficient or a poverty headcount. Both change, both are contested in measurement, and neither can be verified by a marker.
  • Saying inequality did not exist before 1978. Rural and urban conditions differed substantially then too; the claim that is defensible is about the KIND of inequality changing.
  • Confusing 脱贫 and 扶贫. 脱贫 is what a household does; 扶贫 is what a policy does.
  • Treating the middle class as a single group. 中产阶级 in China is defined very differently by different writers, and saying so is itself an analytical point.

Active revision

用中文写一段大约 150 个字的议论文, 回答: 经济增长必然带来贫富差距吗? 必须区分至少两种差距, 说明两种相反的解释各属于谁, 使用 尽管…仍然…, 一方面…另一方面… 和 只有…才… 各一次, 全文不出现任何数字.

Active recall

Recall the key points — then reveal.

§ 03

超级大都市: what a megacity is, and what living in one costs#

●●○StandardLPPearson Edexcel 9CN0 Theme 4 - 变革: 超级大都市LPDfE GCE AS and A level subject content for modern foreign languages

Key points

超级大都市 (chāojí dà dūshì) is the specification's own term and it names something real: a small number of Chinese cities are extraordinarily large by any international comparison, and their scale is what produces both the opportunity and the strain this sub-theme is about. The everyday classification is worth knowing: 一线城市 (yī xiàn chéngshì), first-tier cities, conventionally 北京, 上海, 广州 and 深圳; 新一线 (xīn yī xiàn), the so-called new first tier, a commercial ranking rather than an official one, covering fast-growing cities such as 成都, 杭州 and 武汉; and 二线 and 三线 below them. Say that the tier system is a commonly used commercial classification rather than an official designation, because that is accurate and most candidates do not know it. One further piece of vocabulary is worth having because it names the phenomenon precisely: 城市群 (chéngshìqún), the city cluster, describing a group of cities that function together economically. The term is used in planning discourse and it is a more accurate description of what the Yangtze and Pearl River deltas are than treating each city separately.
The infrastructure vocabulary is concrete and describable, which makes it excellent AO4 evidence. 地铁 (dìtiě) the metro; 高铁 (gāotiě) high-speed rail, which has reshaped the map of travel times between cities; 高楼 (gāolóu) high-rise buildings; 城市规划 (chéngshì guīhuà) urban planning; 基础设施 (jīchǔ shèshī) infrastructure. Regional groupings matter too: 长三角 (Chángsānjiǎo), the Yangtze River Delta around Shanghai, and 珠三角 (Zhūsānjiǎo), the Pearl River Delta around Guangzhou and Shenzhen, are the two clusters most often discussed, and the 大湾区 (Dàwānqū), the Greater Bay Area, is the name given to the plan linking the Pearl River Delta cities with Hong Kong and Macau. The high-speed network deserves one further sentence because of what it changed rather than what it is: journeys that once took a night now take a few hours, which has made it possible to work in one city and keep a family in another. That is a concrete social consequence of an infrastructure fact, and connecting the two is exactly the analytical move this sub-theme rewards.
Now the costs, which are what turn description into argument. 房价 (fángjià), house prices, is the single most discussed pressure on young urban lives and connects directly to Theme 1's material on marriage, family formation and work-life balance. 通勤 (tōngqín) commuting and the compound 通勤时间 for the time it takes. 拥堵 (yōngdǔ) congestion. 空气质量 (kōngqì zhìliàng) air quality, which links to Theme 3. And 生活成本 (shēnghuó chéngběn), the cost of living. A candidate who can connect 房价 to 结婚, to 生育率 and to the decision to leave a megacity is drawing threads between three of the four themes, which is exactly what the specification's design invites. Two further terms belong to the same cluster of pressures. 内卷 reappears here in its urban form, since competition for jobs and school places is sharpest where population is densest; and 逃离北上广 - leaving Beijing, Shanghai and Guangzhou - is a phrase that circulated widely to describe young people quitting the largest cities, and it is worth quoting as a phrase in circulation rather than as a measured trend.
For the argument, the productive question is whether the megacity is a machine for opportunity or a machine for pressure, and the honest answer is that it is both for different people and often for the same person at different ages. 大城市给年轻人机会, 也让他们付出代价 - big cities give young people opportunities and also make them pay a price. 付出代价 (to pay a price) is the exact collocation. Then qualify: 对刚毕业的人来说, 机会可能更重要; 对想成家的人来说, 房价可能更重要 - 对…来说 (as far as X is concerned) is the structure that lets you say for whom a judgement holds, and it is the most under-used structure in this entire subject. The 对…来说 habit generalises beyond this section and is worth carrying into every theme. Almost every contested claim in the specification is true for somebody and false for somebody else, and a candidate who routinely names the somebody is producing exactly the qualified, evidenced interpretation the AO4 grid describes - while a candidate who does not is producing claims that any follow-up question can dismantle.
Worked example

Paper 2 Section A: translation into Chinese about urban life

Translate into Chinese. High-speed rail has made travel between the big cities much faster than it used to be. Nevertheless, for a young person who has just graduated, house prices in a first-tier city may still be the biggest problem. Quite a few therefore decide to work in a new first-tier city instead, where the cost of living is lower.

  1. 01High-speed rail has made travel between the big cities much faster than it used to be

    高铁使大城市之间的交通比过去快得多. 使 is the causative from the Appendix 3 list and takes a clause. 之间 requires its two terms in front: 大城市之间. 交通 is the traffic or communications between places. The comparison is 比过去 plus 快 plus the degree complement 得多. Note that 得多 must follow the adjective; 比过去很快 is one of the most common learner errors and would cost the mark.

  2. 02Nevertheless, for a young person who has just graduated

    不过, 对一个刚毕业的年轻人来说. 不过 opens the concession at the head. 对…来说 brackets the person for whom the claim holds, and both halves are obligatory - 对…说 alone is wrong. 刚毕业的 is a pre-nominal attributive with the adverb 刚 (just now) inside it; English post-modification who has just graduated must move in front of the noun.

  3. 03house prices in a first-tier city may still be the biggest problem

    一线城市的房价可能仍然是最大的问题. 一线城市的 is a possessive-locative attributive. 可能 and 仍然 are both pre-verbal and their order matters: modality before the temporal adverb. 最大的问题 needs 的 because 大 is being used attributively with a superlative. Note that 是 is required before a noun predicate.

  4. 04Quite a few therefore decide to work in a new first-tier city instead

    因此不少人决定改去新一线城市工作. 因此 concludes. 不少人 is the plurality quantifier. 改 as a verb prefix means instead, switching to - 改去 is to go somewhere else instead, which renders English instead far more idiomatically than 而不是. 去新一线城市工作 is a serial verb construction: go to X to work. The place phrase sits between 去 and the second verb, not after it.

  5. 05where the cost of living is lower

    那里的生活成本比较低. English uses a relative clause with where; Chinese normally starts a new clause with 那里的 (of that place). Do not attempt a pre-nominal relative here - 生活成本比较低的新一线城市 is grammatical but changes the emphasis, turning the reason into part of the name of the destination. 比较低 is a bare comparative; if you want an explicit standard you must supply it.

  6. 06Where the points-based marks sit

    The awardable sections here are the 使 causative, 之间 with its two terms in front, 比…得多 with the complement after the adjective, the obligatory pair 对…来说, the pre-nominal attributive 刚毕业的, the adverb order 可能仍然, 改去 for instead, and the new clause with 那里的 where English used where. Seven of the eight are word-order or structure marks, which is the pattern across the whole of Section A.

Result: 高铁使大城市之间的交通比过去快得多. 不过, 对一个刚毕业的年轻人来说, 一线城市的房价可能仍然是最大的问题. 因此不少人决定改去新一线城市工作, 那里的生活成本比较低.

Exam focus

  • Explain that the 一线 / 新一线 tier system is a widely used commercial classification, not an official one (AO4).
  • Use 高铁, 地铁, 长三角, 珠三角, 大湾区 as concrete, describable evidence (AO4).
  • Connect 房价 outward to marriage, birth rate and the decision to leave; cross-theme links are what the four themes are for (AO4).
  • Qualify judgements with 对…来说 so a claim is true of somebody rather than of everybody (AO3, AO4).

Typical mistakes

  • Giving a population figure for a Chinese city. Definitions of the city boundary differ, figures change, and the claim is unverifiable as stated.
  • Calling 新一线 an official category. It comes from commercial rankings, and knowing that is a mark of real familiarity.
  • Saying everyone wants to leave the big cities, or that nobody does. Both movements are real and the interesting question is who moves and when.
  • Using 房子 where 房价 is meant. 房子 is the house; 房价 is the price, and the price is what the argument is about.

Active revision

准备一个两分钟的口语回答: 你愿不愿意在中国的超级大都市生活? 说明至少两个好处和两个代价, 每个都要用一个准确的名词 (机会, 高铁, 房价, 通勤时间), 并且至少两次使用 对…来说 说明你的判断对谁成立.

Active recall

Recall the key points — then reveal.

§ 04

城市移民: who moves, what they leave behind, and the system in the middle#

●●●AdvancedLPPearson Edexcel 9CN0 Theme 4 - 变革: 城市移民LPDfE GCE AS and A level subject content for modern foreign languages

The vocabulary of internal migration

城市移民Table with 3 columns and 5 rows, Data: Chinese · Pinyin · What it names; 农民工 · nóngmíngōng · a rural-registered urban worker; 流动人口 · liúdòng rénkǒu · people living where unregistered; 户口 · hùkǒu · registration by place; 留守儿童 · liúshǒu értóng · a child left in the home place; 城中村 · chéngzhōngcūn · a village swallowed by a city, highlighted cell: 户口CHINESEPINYINWHAT IT NAMES农民工nóngmíngōnga rural-registered urbanworker流动人口liúdòng rénkǒupeople living whereunregistered户口hùkǒuregistration by place留守儿童liúshǒu értónga child left in the homeplace城中村chéngzhōngcūna village swallowed by acity
Fig. 2Five terms with no single English equivalent, each naming something the sub-theme depends on. Using them precisely is the cheapest available evidence of study, because each one implies a whole social arrangement. The emphasised term is 户口, because it is the institution that connects the other four: registration by place is why a migrant is a 流动人口 and why a child may be a 留守儿童.

Key points

Internal migration is the sub-theme's human centre and the vocabulary is specific enough that using it correctly is itself evidence of study. 农民工 (nóngmíngōng) is the standard term for a rural migrant worker in a city - literally peasant-worker, and its very form encodes the ambiguity of the status. 流动人口 (liúdòng rénkǒu), the floating population, is the administrative term for people living where they are not registered. 打工 (dǎgōng) is to work away from home in a wage job, and 打工者 or 打工人 the person who does it. 老家 (lǎojiā) is one's home place, the noun that all of this is measured against. Two further terms complete the picture and both are precise. 外来人口 is the administrative phrase for incomers to a place, and 打工人 has recently become a widely used self-description among wage workers generally, carrying a wry acknowledgement of the condition. Using the second requires care about register, since it is colloquial and slightly ironic, but knowing that is itself a mark of familiarity.
The institution in the middle is 户口 (hùkǒu), the household registration system, and it must be described accurately rather than dramatically. Every person is registered to a place, historically classified as rural or urban, and a range of public services - schooling in particular, and aspects of health care and social security - has been tied to the place of registration rather than the place of residence. The system has been reformed repeatedly and unevenly: many smaller and medium cities have relaxed the conditions for obtaining local registration, while the largest cities have generally kept them tight. Say 户口制度这些年一直在改革, 但各地的情况差别很大 - the system has been under continuous reform, but conditions differ greatly from place to place. One further clarification prevents a common misdescription. Registration is not fixed for life: it can be changed, and the conditions for changing it are precisely what has been reformed, city by city. So the accurate statement is not that people cannot obtain local registration but that the conditions vary enormously with the size of the city - which is a more interesting claim and a defensible one.
Two consequences follow, and both have precise names. 留守儿童 (liúshǒu értóng), left-behind children, are children who remain in the home place, usually with grandparents, while one or both parents work in a city - a direct consequence of registration-linked schooling combined with distance. 城中村 (chéngzhōngcūn), the urban village, is a formerly rural settlement swallowed by a growing city, often providing the cheapest housing available to migrants and often subsequently redeveloped. Both terms connect this sub-theme straight back to Theme 1's family material, and a candidate who makes that connection explicitly is doing the specification's own work. A third consequence deserves naming because it runs the other way. Remittances sent home by people working in cities have been a substantial source of income for rural households, so the same movement that separates families also supports them. Holding both halves of that at once is what stops the topic becoming a lament, and the AO4 grid rewards the candidate who can.
The judgement here is genuinely contested and should be presented as such. One position is that registration functions as a rationing mechanism for scarce urban services and that relaxing it in the largest cities would overwhelm schools and hospitals. Another is that it produces a differentiated citizenship in which people who live and work in a city are permanently outside its provision. Chinese policy debate contains both arguments, and so does academic writing outside China. Write 关于户口制度应该怎么改, 中国国内也有不同的意见 - opinions differ inside China too about how the system should be reformed - which is accurate, even-handed and demonstrably more informed than a verdict. It is also worth being clear about what a candidate can and cannot judge here. The direction of reform, the fact of reform and the differences between city sizes are describable; whether a particular policy was right is a political judgement on which people inside and outside China disagree. Describing the first three accurately and marking the fourth as contested is the honest and the higher-scoring position.
Worked example

Paper 3 Task 1: a 变革 card answered without over-claiming

The card statement reads: 城市移民对中国的发展利大于弊 - urban migration has done China more good than harm. The two compulsory questions are 你同意吗? and 你能说明一个具体的影响吗? Build the opening answer.

  1. 01Refuse the binary, but answer the question

    我同意利大于弊, 不过我认为要看对谁来说. 利大于弊 is the card's own four-character phrase and using it back shows you understood it. 要看…来说 - it depends on whom you mean - is the qualification the whole answer will develop, and stating it in sentence two rather than sentence six is what makes the answer feel controlled.

  2. 02The benefit, with a named mechanism

    对整个国家来说, 城市需要劳动力, 农村家庭也需要收入, 两方面都得到了好处. 劳动力 is the workforce; 得到好处 is to gain a benefit. Naming both sides of the exchange in one sentence is more persuasive than asserting that migration helped, and 两方面 keeps it symmetrical.

  3. 03The cost, made specific and human

    但是对具体的家庭来说, 代价可能很大. 很多孩子成了留守儿童, 一年只能见到父母一两次. 一两次 is the numeral-juxtaposition approximation. 见到 is verb plus resultative - manage to see. This is the sentence that will be remembered, and it is remembered because it is concrete rather than because it is emotive.

  4. 04Name the institution accurately, not dramatically

    这和户口制度有关: 孩子的上学和父母的登记地方有关系, 所以很多父母只能把孩子留在老家. 和…有关 states a connection without over-claiming causation. 把…留在… is the disposal construction with a locative complement, and it is exactly the right structure for leave someone somewhere. Accuracy about the institution is what keeps the answer from being contradicted.

  5. 05Judge conditionally and hand over

    所以我觉得, 只有在教育和医疗上做出改变, 才能说利真的大于弊. 您觉得英国有没有类似的情况, 比如说搬到伦敦工作的人? 只有…才… conditions the judgement. The closing question is on topic, invites the examiner's own view, and offers a comparison the examiner can actually answer.

  6. 06What the grids saw

    AO4: an accurate account of 户口 that does not over-claim, a named consequence, both sides of the exchange, a conditional judgement. AO3: 利大于弊, 对…来说 twice, 得到好处, 一两次, 见到 as a resultative, 把…留在…, 和…有关, 只有…才…. AO1: took the lead, developed without prompting, elicited a view. The whole answer runs about seventy seconds and leaves five minutes of Task 1 to develop under questioning.

Result: 我同意利大于弊, 不过我认为要看对谁来说. 对整个国家来说, 城市需要劳动力, 农村家庭也需要收入, 两方面都得到了好处. 但是对具体的家庭来说, 代价可能很大: 很多孩子成了留守儿童, 一年只能见到父母一两次. 这和户口制度有关, 因为孩子的上学和父母登记的地方有关系, 所以很多父母只能把孩子留在老家. 所以我觉得, 只有在教育和医疗上做出改变, 才能说利真的大于弊. 您觉得英国有没有类似的情况?

Exam focus

  • Use 农民工, 流动人口, 留守儿童, 城中村 and 老家 precisely; each names something no English word names (AO4).
  • Describe 户口 accurately: registration by place, services historically tied to it, reform that is continuous and uneven (AO4).
  • Connect 留守儿童 explicitly back to Theme 1's family material; cross-theme links are rewarded (AO4).
  • Present the reform debate as a debate held inside China as well as outside it (AO4).

Typical mistakes

  • Describing 户口 as a ban on moving. It does not prevent movement; it ties entitlements to a registered place, which is a different and more interesting claim.
  • Translating 农民工 as peasant. The term names a rural-registered person doing urban wage work, and the compound is the point.
  • Assuming the system is identical everywhere. Conditions differ substantially between city sizes, and saying so is a mark of real knowledge.
  • Treating 留守儿童 as a historical phenomenon. It is a current and much-discussed one, and it is one of the strongest links between Theme 4 and Theme 1.

Active revision

用中文写一段大约 150 个字, 说明 户口 制度和 留守儿童 之间的关系. 必须准确说明户口制度是什么 (不要说它禁止搬家), 说明两种关于改革的不同意见各属于谁, 最后用 只有…才… 提出一个有条件的判断.

Active recall

Recall the key points — then reveal.

§ 05

Exam technique: writing about inequality without inventing numbers#

●●●AdvancedLPPearson Edexcel 9CN0 Paper 2 - critical and analytical response (AO4), 20 marks per essayLPPearson Edexcel 9CN0 Paper 3 Task 1 - knowledge and understanding of society and culture (AO4), 12 marksLPDfE GCE AS and A level subject content for modern foreign languages

Key points

This is the theme where candidates reach for statistics, and it is worth being explicit about why that is a mistake in an examination rather than merely a risk. Under examination conditions there is no dictionary and no reference material; a figure you half-remember from a textbook two years old is not evidence, it is a hostage. The AO4 grids do not ask for quantities; they ask for ideas supported by pertinent evidence and for interpretations that are justified. A precise comparative claim with a stated mechanism satisfies that requirement completely, and cannot be contradicted by the examiner's own more recent reading. There is a second reason beyond verifiability, and it is about what the grids actually reward. A statistic is a fact; the grids ask for interpretation justified by evidence. A number therefore has to be interpreted before it earns anything, and a candidate who has spent their sentence on the number has no room left for the interpretation - whereas a comparative claim carries its interpretation inside it.
So build a toolkit of quantity-free precision and drill it until it is automatic. Direction: 越来越大 (increasingly large), 已经缩小 (has already narrowed), 一直存在 (has existed throughout). Strength: 明显 (marked), 严重 (serious), 有限 (limited), 微小 (slight). Scope: 大部分 (most), 不少 (quite a few), 部分 (some), 极少数 (a very small number). Time: 长期 (over a long period), 近年来 (in recent years), 至今 (up to now). Comparison: 比…大得多, 没有…那么…, 和…相比. Every one of these is on or adjacent to the Appendix 3 list, so using them earns AO3 range at the same time. Practise the toolkit by rewriting rather than by memorising. Take any paragraph you have written that contains a number, delete the number, and rewrite the claim using one item from each of the five categories. After a dozen of those the reach for a comparative becomes the default, which is the only way this habit ever becomes reliable under examination pressure.
The second half of the technique is attribution, and it has its own toolkit. 有人认为 (some hold that), 也有人指出 (others point out), 一般认为 (it is generally held), 据我了解 (as far as I understand), 有研究表明 (there is research suggesting) - use this last one only if you actually read something, and be ready to say what. 学者们的看法并不一致 (scholars do not agree). Attribution costs four characters and buys you the freedom to state a strong position without owning it, which is precisely what the top AO4 band means by evaluating issues. One caution about 有研究表明. It is a powerful phrase and it is only usable if you actually read something and can say roughly what and where. An examiner who asks 什么研究? and receives silence has learnt something about the whole answer. Where you are working from general knowledge rather than a source, 一般认为 or 据我了解 are the honest choices and they cost nothing.
Third, the mechanism habit. Every claim in this theme should be followed by a because that names a process rather than an outcome. Weak: 差距很大, 因为有的地方很穷. Strong: 差距很大, 因为好的学校和医院集中在少数城市, 而户口制度又让服务和登记地方绑在一起. The second version says how the gap is maintained. In practice, if you can write a sentence containing 集中 (concentrated), 绑在一起 (tied together), 传给下一代 (passed to the next generation) or 通过…影响 (affects via), you are describing a mechanism, and a described mechanism is the most durable evidence available to a language candidate. A last test is worth applying to any claim in this theme before you commit to it: could the opposite be argued by somebody reasonable? If yes, attribute and argue. If no, it is probably either a documented fact, in which case state it flatly, or a platitude, in which case cut it. Sorting your sentences that way removes most of what weakens an answer on Theme 4.
Worked example

One paragraph, audited and rebuilt

Here is a paragraph a candidate might write under pressure. Audit it for unverifiable claims and unattributed opinions, then rebuild it so that everything in it can be defended.

  1. 01The original, with its problems marked

    改革开放以后, 中国有百分之七十的人搬到了城市. 沿海地区的收入是内陆的三倍. 户口制度是不公平的, 应该马上取消. 现在留守儿童有六千万. Four sentences, three invented figures and one unattributed verdict. Every one of them is a place where an examiner can stop believing you, and the fourth is a policy judgement stated as if it were a fact.

  2. 02Fix one: replace the migration figure with direction and time

    改革开放以后, 越来越多的人从农村搬到城市, 这个过程到现在还在继续. 越来越多的 gives direction, 从…到… gives the movement, 到现在还在继续 gives the time. The sentence now says something true and something interesting - that the process is ongoing - which the original number did not.

  3. 03Fix two: replace the ratio with a comparative and a mechanism

    沿海地区的收入明显比内陆高, 主要是因为工厂, 港口和高科技公司都集中在沿海. 明显比…高 gives strength without size; 集中在 gives the mechanism. Note that the mechanism sentence is also more useful to you later, because it can be extended, whereas a ratio can only be repeated.

  4. 04Fix three: turn the verdict into an attributed debate plus your own conditional view

    关于户口制度, 有人认为它保证了城市服务不被压垮, 也有人认为它让在城市工作的人得不到同样的待遇. 在我看来, 只有先增加学校和医院, 才可能真正放开. Two attributed positions, then a conditional judgement of your own. 待遇 is treatment or provision; 放开 is to liberalise. The paragraph now argues instead of pronouncing.

  5. 05Fix four: replace the headcount with a qualitative claim

    留守儿童的数量一直很大, 这个问题近年来受到越来越多的关注. 一直很大 gives persistence without a figure; 受到关注 (to receive attention) is a 受到 passive construction and a genuinely useful one. If you happen to have read a specific and recent figure and can say where, you may cite it - but you must be able to say where, and under examination pressure it is rarely worth it.

  6. 06Why this counts as argument

    The rebuilt paragraph is longer than the original by about a third and contains no number at all. It has two attributed positions, three mechanisms, one conditional judgement of the candidate's own and eight Appendix 3 structures. Every sentence in it would survive a follow-up question, which is the practical test the AO4 grid's word justified is really applying.

Result: 改革开放以后, 越来越多的人从农村搬到城市, 这个过程到现在还在继续. 沿海地区的收入明显比内陆高, 主要是因为工厂, 港口和高科技公司都集中在沿海. 关于户口制度, 有人认为它保证了城市的服务不被压垮, 也有人认为它让在城市工作的人得不到同样的待遇. 留守儿童的数量一直很大, 这个问题近年来受到越来越多的关注. 在我看来, 只有先增加学校和医院, 才可能真正放开.

Exam focus

  • Never write a number you cannot defend under questioning; the grids do not ask for one (AO4).
  • Drill the quantity-free toolkit - direction, strength, scope, time, comparison - until it is automatic (AO3, AO4).
  • Attribute with 有人认为 / 也有人指出 / 一般认为 / 学者们的看法并不一致 (AO4).
  • Follow every claim with a mechanism: 集中, 绑在一起, 传给下一代, 通过…影响 (AO4).

Typical mistakes

  • Believing that a number makes an answer look researched. It makes it look risky, and an examiner who knows the field will notice a wrong one.
  • Hedging into vagueness instead of into precision. 好像有点大 is weak; 明显比过去大 is careful and strong at once.
  • Attributing to nobody. An unattributed contested claim reads as an assertion and the grid does not reward it.
  • Naming an outcome and calling it a mechanism. Poor places are poor is a restatement; services concentrated in a few cities is a mechanism.

Active revision

拿出你以前写的任何一段关于中国社会的文章, 划掉里面所有的数字. 然后用 方向, 程度, 范围, 时间 和 比较 五类词把每一个被划掉的地方重新写出来, 并且给每一个论点补上一个 机制 (集中, 绑在一起, 传给下一代, 通过…影响). 比较改写前后的说服力.

Active recall

Recall the key points — then reveal.

Contents

Section -- / 05

    • 01改革开放: the dated spine, and how to talk about it honestly●
    • 02贫富差距: three gaps, and the language to describe them without numbers●
    • 03超级大都市: what a megacity is, and what living in one costs◐
    • 04城市移民: who moves, what they leave behind, and the system in the middle●
    • 05Exam technique: writing about inequality without inventing numbers●

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变革: inequality, megacities and internal migration since 1978

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