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Notes/Urdu/Land, rural power and the environment research subject (چوتھا موضوع، جاگیرداری نظام)
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Land, rural power and the environment research subject (چوتھا موضوع، جاگیرداری نظام)

This topic carries the second sub-theme of Edexcel's fourth theme, جاگیرداری نظام, the feudal system, with its three aspects: its political effects in rural Pakistani society, its social effects in rural areas, and the differences and similarities between the politics of urban and rural areas. It also carries Theme 4's research subject, پاکستان میں ماحولیاتی مسائل سے متعلق اقدامات, measures relating to environmental issues in Pakistan, whose three aspects are government action against climate change and pollution, government measures against natural disasters, and foreign aid organisations in Pakistan. Like the rest of Theme 4 it is set in Pakistan only. The sub-theme begins with a naming problem that is also its central analytical question — whether جاگیرداری is a description or a slogan — and the research subject is the most institutionally documented on the specification, which makes it, for a candidate willing to learn a dozen names and dates, the most tractable of the four.

5 sections·~34 min reading time·4 competencies·Level Standard 1 · Advanced 4

T·0666 / 12
Exam profile
AO1 · Understand and respond in writing to spoken Urdu about rural life, politics and the environmentAO2 · Understand and respond in writing to written Urdu of policy and reportage registerAO3 · Manipulate Urdu accurately, using institutional vocabulary and complex structuresAO4 · Show knowledge and understanding of, and respond critically to, rural power and environmental policy in Pakistan
Operators:بیان کیجیےتجزیہ کیجیےموازنہ کیجیےوضاحت کیجیےدلیل دیجیےتنقیدی جائزہ لیجیےترجمہ کیجیےخلاصہ لکھیے

basic level

At first-year standard the expectation is accurate description: what large landholding means in practice, who a tenant is and what sharecropping is, what the main environmental problems of Pakistan are, and which body responds to a flood — expressed in correct Urdu with secure agreement and correct oblique forms.

higher level

The full A-Level expects the categories interrogated. Is جاگیرداری an accurate description of rural power today, and who says it is not? Is a landlord's political influence a survival of landholding or a product of how the state reaches a village? Which environmental measures are policies, which are institutions, and which are announcements? Answers must name statutes and bodies with dates, attribute every judgement, resist invented figures, and use conditionals, passives and subordination deliberately.

Depth

Reading depth: In depth

Text

Text size: Standard

Contents · 5 sections▾
  1. Land, rural power and the environment research subject (چوتھا موضوع، جاگیرداری نظام)
    • 01The sub-theme, and whether جاگیرداری is a description or a slogan●
    • 02Political effects in rural society●
    • 03Social effects in rural areas◐
    • 04Urban and rural politics: differences and similarities●
    • 05Environmental measures: the Theme 4 research subject (ماحولیاتی اقدامات)●
§ 01

The sub-theme, and whether جاگیرداری is a description or a slogan#

●●●AdvancedLPPearson Edexcel 9UR0 Theme 4 — جاگیرداری نظامLPPearson Edexcel 9UR0 Paper 2 Section A (translation into Urdu)

Key points

The specification's word is جاگیرداری نظام, and the first thing to notice is that the word is argued about. جاگیر was a land grant, and جاگیردار its holder; the English feudal system, from which the phrase is usually translated, names a specific European set of arrangements that historians of South Asia mostly do not think transfers. In Pakistani public argument the word is used for a range of things: very large landholding, the political dominance of landowning families, patron-client politics, and simply rural backwardness. Economists and historians who study land tenure often prefer narrower terms — large landholding, landlordism, tenancy relations. اصطلاح خود ایک بحث ہے: کچھ محققین ’جاگیرداری‘ کو ایک درست وصف سمجھتے ہیں، جبکہ دوسروں کے نزدیک یہ ایک سیاسی نعرہ ہے جو مختلف چیزوں کو ایک نام دے دیتا ہے.
Underneath the argument sits a precise vocabulary that will let you say what you actually mean. زمیندار is a landowner; جاگیردار a large landowner in the sense the sub-theme uses; وڈیرہ is the Sindhi term for a big landholder and local chief, چوہدری the Punjabi term of local standing. On the other side, ہاری is the Sindhi word for a tenant or sharecropper, مزارع the general term for a tenant cultivator, کاشتکار a cultivator, and بےزمین کسان a landless peasant. بٹائی is sharecropping, لگان the rent or land revenue. Around all of them run برادری, the kin group, and دھڑا, the local faction. Choose the word that matches the relationship you are describing and the sentence will already be more accurate than most.
The historical background can be stated as dated fact. The colonial land-revenue settlements recorded proprietary rights in land and thereby created a class of recorded proprietors; the canal colonies of Punjab, developed from the 1880s, allocated newly irrigated land to selected groups. After independence, land reforms were attempted in 1959, in 1972 and in 1977, each setting ceilings on holdings with exemptions; the extent of the redistribution they achieved, the effect of the exemptions and their later legal fate are all disputed, and any figure you use must be attributed. Tenancy legislation exists at provincial level, and the Bonded Labour System (Abolition) Act was passed in 1992. Naming the statute and the year is what makes this paragraph research rather than assertion.
The last framing point is regional and it prevents the commonest overgeneralisation. Landholding patterns in Pakistan are uneven: very large holdings are more characteristic of parts of Sindh and of southern Punjab than of the canal-colony districts of central Punjab, where holdings are typically smaller, or of much of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, where tenure and social organisation differ again. An answer that writes about the Pakistani village as a single object is describing something that does not exist. زمین کی ملکیت کا نمونہ پورے ملک میں یکساں نہیں، اِس لیے ’دیہاتی پاکستان‘ کو ایک اکائی سمجھنا گمراہ کن ہے — a single sentence that will lift an answer above the average.
Worked example

Paper 2 Section A: an English paragraph about a contested term into careful Urdu

Translate into Urdu and justify each hedge. 'The word feudal is used very widely in Pakistan, and it is used to mean several different things. Some researchers say it obscures more than it explains, because the political influence of a large landowner may come from his access to the state rather than from his land. Others reply that the two cannot be separated.'

  1. 01Sentence one: a habitual passive and a quantified vagueness

    لفظ ’جاگیردارانہ‘ پاکستان میں بہت عام استعمال ہوتا ہے، اور اِس سے کئی مختلف چیزیں مراد لی جاتی ہیں۔ استعمال ہوتا ہے is the intransitive habitual — is used — which avoids naming a user, as the English does. مراد لینا, to mean or intend by, in the passive مراد لی جاتی ہیں, feminine plural for چیزیں. The Urdu inverted commas around the word mark it as mentioned rather than used, which is exactly the distinction the paragraph is about.

  2. 02Sentence two: attribute, then give the mechanism in a causal clause

    کچھ محققین کا کہنا ہے کہ یہ لفظ وضاحت سے زیادہ ابہام پیدا کرتا ہے، کیونکہ بڑے زمیندار کا سیاسی اثر اُس کی زمین سے نہیں بلکہ ریاست تک اُس کی رسائی سے آ سکتا ہے۔ ابہام, ambiguity, against وضاحت, explanation. کیونکہ introduces the mechanism. ریاست تک رسائی, access to the state, is the analytically important phrase and worth memorising. آ سکتا ہے, the potential compound, keeps the claim as a possibility, which is what the researchers said.

  3. 03Sentence three: the reply, compressed

    دوسروں کا جواب یہ ہے کہ اِن دونوں کو الگ نہیں کیا جا سکتا۔ الگ نہیں کیا جا سکتا is a negated passive potential: cannot be separated. اِن دونوں کو is the oblique with کو, so the verb stays default masculine singular. Three words of grammar carrying the whole counter-argument, and the construction is a straight lift from the AO3 complex-language list.

  4. 04Check that you have translated a dispute and not joined it

    Reread and confirm that neither side has been strengthened by your Urdu. The risks are specific: writing کہتے ہیں for one side and دعویٰ کرتے ہیں for the other quietly downgrades the second; writing ہے instead of آ سکتا ہے turns a hypothesis into a fact. In a translation these are accuracy errors; in a Section C answer the same slips are AO4 errors, which is why practising them here is worth the time.

Result: لفظ ’جاگیردارانہ‘ پاکستان میں بہت عام استعمال ہوتا ہے، اور اِس سے کئی مختلف چیزیں مراد لی جاتی ہیں۔ کچھ محققین کا کہنا ہے کہ یہ لفظ وضاحت سے زیادہ ابہام پیدا کرتا ہے، کیونکہ بڑے زمیندار کا سیاسی اثر اُس کی زمین سے نہیں بلکہ ریاست تک اُس کی رسائی سے آ سکتا ہے۔ دوسروں کا جواب یہ ہے کہ اِن دونوں کو الگ نہیں کیا جا سکتا۔

Exam focus

  • Treat جاگیرداری as a contested term and say who contests it. The naming dispute is the analysis (AO4).
  • Use زمیندار, جاگیردار, ہاری, مزارع and بٹائی precisely. Each names a different relationship.
  • Say that holding patterns differ by region. It prevents the single commonest overgeneralisation in this sub-theme.

Typical mistakes

  • Translating جاگیرداری as feudalism and importing European history with it.
  • Writing about 'the Pakistani village' as one thing. Tenure, holding size and social organisation differ by province and district.
  • Quoting a land-reform redistribution figure with no source. The estimates and the interpretations differ.
  • Confusing زمیندار with جاگیردار. Any landowner is a زمیندار; the sub-theme is about the large holder.

Active revision

ڈیڑھ سو الفاظ میں وضاحت کیجیے کہ لفظ ’جاگیرداری‘ خود کیوں متنازع ہے۔ کم از کم دو مختلف مؤقف منسوب کر کے پیش کیجیے، چار درست اصطلاحات استعمال کیجیے، اور آخر میں بتائیے کہ آپ کون سا لفظ کیوں استعمال کریں گے

Active recall

Recall the key points — then reveal.

Sources: Pearson Edexcel Level 3 Advanced GCE in Urdu (9UR0) specification (Pearson Edexcel)

§ 02

Political effects in rural society#

●●●AdvancedLPPearson Edexcel 9UR0 Theme 4 — جاگیرداری نظام: پاکستانی دیہاتی معاشرے میں اِس کے سیاسی اثراتLPPearson Edexcel 9UR0 Paper 1 Section B (reading)

Key points

The mechanism that most needs explaining is intermediation. In much of rural Pakistan the ordinary citizen's dealings with the state — the police station, the revenue office, the courts, a school posting, a transfer, a development scheme — have historically run through someone with standing, and that person's ability to deliver is the basis of their political following. This is what political scientists mean when they describe patron-client politics, and it explains why a candidate with local standing can win a constituency where a party's programme cannot. سیاسی اثر کی جڑ زمین سے زیادہ ریاست تک رسائی میں ہو سکتی ہے, the root of political influence may lie less in land than in access to the state, is the sentence that makes an answer analytical rather than descriptive.
Around that mechanism sit two social structures with direct electoral consequences. برادری, the kin group, supplies a bloc of votes and a network of obligation, and دھڑا, the local faction, supplies the alignment through which those blocs compete. Neither is a party. A constituency contest in a rural district is therefore often described as a competition between local factions in which party labels are attached late and can change; whether that description still holds as strongly as it once did is exactly the sort of question a good answer raises rather than settles. The Election Commission of Pakistan conducts the elections; what happens inside a constituency between elections is where this aspect lives.
Local government is the institutional variable and it has a dated history worth knowing, because it is the state's own repeated attempt to change the mechanism just described. Systems of local councils have been created and dismantled several times: the Basic Democracies system from 1959, the devolution scheme under the Local Government Ordinance of 2001, and after the Eighteenth Amendment of 2010 provincial local government legislation with different designs in different provinces and repeated postponements of elections. Each iteration changes who can deliver what to a village. اگر مقامی حکومت مضبوط ہو تو ریاست تک رسائی کے لیے کسی بیچ کے آدمی کی ضرورت کم ہو جاتی ہے — a conditional that states the whole theory of the reform in one sentence.
And the counter-argument must be reported, because it is substantial and increasingly well evidenced. Urbanisation, labour migration and the remittances that follow it, the rural non-farm economy, mass media and mobile telephony, and the growth of education have all given rural households income and information that do not pass through a landlord. Researchers differ about how far this has displaced older patterns and about where; some argue that intermediation has changed shape rather than disappeared, with new brokers replacing old ones. کچھ محققین کا خیال ہے کہ پرانا نظام کمزور ہوا ہے، جبکہ دوسروں کے نزدیک وہ صرف اپنی شکل بدل چکا ہے. Naming both is a complete answer to the aspect.
Worked example

Paper 1 Section B: two questions on a passage about a rural constituency

Passage: انتخابی مہم کے دوران امیدوار کے دفتر میں سب سے زیادہ درخواستیں ووٹ کی نہیں، تبادلے اور تھانے کی تھیں۔ ایک مقامی صحافی نے لکھا کہ لوگ اُمیدوار کو پارٹی کا نمائندہ نہیں بلکہ ریاست تک پہنچنے کا راستہ سمجھتے ہیں۔ حالیہ برسوں میں یہ راستہ اکیلا نہیں رہا: موبائل فون اور بیرونِ ملک سے آنے والی رقم نے کئی گھرانوں کو خود مختار بنا دیا ہے۔ Question (a): متن کے مطابق اُمیدوار کے دفتر میں لوگ کس قسم کی درخواستیں لے کر آتے تھے؟ Question (b): آخری جملہ متن کی مرکزی دلیل میں کیا اضافہ کرتا ہے؟

  1. 01Read the colon in the third sentence as a structural signal

    یہ راستہ اکیلا نہیں رہا: … The colon announces evidence for the clause before it, and the clause before it modifies everything in the first two sentences. Discourse punctuation in Urdu argumentative prose carries as much information as the connectors, and noticing it is a reading habit worth building for both Section B and Paper 3.

  2. 02Answer (a) with the two categories the text gives

    متن کے مطابق لوگ ووٹ کے بارے میں نہیں بلکہ تبادلوں اور تھانے سے متعلق درخواستیں لے کر آتے تھے۔ تبادلوں is the oblique plural. Note that the answer keeps the contrast the passage set up — not votes but transfers and police matters — because that contrast is the point, and an answer that lists only transfers has understood half the sentence.

  3. 03For (b), name what the last sentence does to the argument

    The first two sentences establish intermediation. The third qualifies it by naming two things that bypass the intermediary: the mobile telephone and remittances. So the last sentence limits the argument in time and degree — it says the pattern holds less than it did. That is the answer: not new information, but a qualification.

  4. 04Write it as a claim about the argument's scope

    آخری جملہ مرکزی دلیل کو محدود کرتا ہے: یہ تسلیم کرتا ہے کہ اُمیدوار اب بھی ریاست تک ایک راستہ ہے، مگر واحد راستہ نہیں، کیونکہ موبائل فون اور ترسیلات نے کئی گھرانوں کو خود مختار بنا دیا ہے۔ محدود کرتا ہے, limits, is the precise verb; تسلیم کرتا ہے, concedes, names the move. Two verbs of argument-description, and using them is what distinguishes an answer about the text from an answer about the topic.

Result: (a) متن کے مطابق لوگ ووٹ کے بارے میں نہیں بلکہ تبادلوں اور تھانے سے متعلق درخواستیں لے کر آتے تھے۔ (b) آخری جملہ مرکزی دلیل کو محدود کرتا ہے: یہ تسلیم کرتا ہے کہ اُمیدوار اب بھی ریاست تک ایک راستہ ہے، مگر واحد راستہ نہیں، کیونکہ موبائل فون اور ترسیلات نے کئی گھرانوں کو خود مختار بنا دیا ہے۔

Exam focus

  • Explain intermediation as the mechanism. It is what the aspect is actually about and it is what most answers omit (AO4).
  • Use برادری and دھڑا precisely, and say that neither is a party.
  • Date the local government attempts — 1959, 2001, post-2010 — and treat them as the state's own experiment on this mechanism.

Typical mistakes

  • Explaining rural politics only by landholding. Access to the state is at least as important and is the more interesting claim.
  • Treating برادری as a party or as a caste. It is a kin network with electoral weight.
  • Asserting that landlord dominance has ended, or that nothing has changed. Both are positions; report them as such.
  • Writing اثر with a feminine verb. اثر is masculine: اثر پڑا, not پڑی.

Active revision

دو سو الفاظ میں وضاحت کیجیے کہ دیہاتی حلقے میں سیاسی اثر کیسے قائم ہوتا ہے۔ ثالثی (ریاست تک رسائی) کے عمل کو بیان کیجیے، برادری اور دھڑے کا ذکر کیجیے، مقامی حکومت کی کم از کم دو کوششوں کے سنہ دیجیے، اور دونوں مخالف مؤقف منسوب کر کے پیش کیجیے

Active recall

Recall the key points — then reveal.

Sources: Pearson Edexcel Level 3 Advanced GCE in Urdu (9UR0) specification (Pearson Edexcel)

§ 03

Social effects in rural areas#

●●○StandardLPPearson Edexcel 9UR0 Theme 4 — جاگیرداری نظام: دیہاتی علاقوں میں اِس کے سماجی اثراتLPPearson Edexcel 9UR0 Paper 1 Section A (translation into English)

Key points

The social aspect is about what unequal landholding does to everyday life, and the honest way in is through the tenancy relationship. A مزارع or ہاری who farms another's land on بٹائی, sharecropping, receives a share of the crop rather than a wage; inputs, credit and the timing of sale are often arranged through the landowner; and where credit is advanced against a future crop, debt can bind a household across seasons and generations. The Bonded Labour System (Abolition) Act of 1992 exists precisely because that binding has been recognised as a legal problem. State the statute, state that enforcement is argued about, and attribute the argument.
Access to services is the second strand and it is measurable rather than impressionistic. Whether a village has a functioning primary school, whether the teacher attends, whether a basic health unit is staffed, whether a road is passable in the rains — these are the things that decide life chances, and they are recorded by provincial education and health departments and by the Pakistan Social and Living Standards Measurement survey. They are also, in the account this sub-theme asks about, connected to political influence: a school building follows a scheme, a scheme follows an intermediary. اسکول کی موجودگی اور اُس کا چلنا دو الگ سوال ہیں — the presence of a school and its actually functioning are two different questions — is a sentence worth having.
Women's position in rural areas is a distinct and important strand. It is shaped by landholding through inheritance in particular: the legal right of daughters to inherit is clear, and the practice is widely reported to diverge from it, which is why a federal act on the enforcement of women's property rights was passed in 2020 to create a complaint route. It is shaped by mobility and by the availability of female teachers and health workers, which affects girls' schooling directly. And it is shaped by the informal forums discussed below. Every one of these is documented, contested in its extent, and best written with an attribution attached.
The last strand is dispute resolution, and it needs care. Alongside the formal courts, disputes in rural areas are often settled by informal forums — a پنچایت in Punjab and Sindh, a جرگہ in Pashtun areas — which are quicker and cheaper and command local legitimacy. They have also, in documented cases, made decisions that the courts have held unlawful, particularly where women were treated as parties to a settlement rather than as persons with rights. Pakistani superior courts have ruled on the limits of such parallel forums. The disciplined sentence names both the reason such forums persist and the reason the law constrains them: غیر رسمی عدالتیں سستی اور تیز ہونے کی وجہ سے قائم رہتی ہیں، مگر عدالتوں نے یہ قرار دیا ہے کہ وہ باقاعدہ قانون کی جگہ نہیں لے سکتیں.
Worked example

Paper 1 Section A: a paragraph about tenancy, out of Urdu into English

Translate and account for every joint. بٹائی پر کاشت کرنے والے کسان کو فصل کا حصہ ملتا ہے، تنخواہ نہیں۔ چونکہ بیج، کھاد اور اکثر قرض بھی زمیندار ہی کے ذریعے آتا ہے، اِس لیے فصل کٹنے سے پہلے ہی حساب طے ہو چکا ہوتا ہے۔ اگر موسم خراب ہو جائے تو نقصان کا بڑا حصہ اُسی کاشتکار کو اٹھانا پڑتا ہے جس کے پاس زمین نہیں۔

  1. 01Sentence one: a dative subject and an elliptical contrast

    بٹائی پر کاشت کرنے والے کسان کو فصل کا حصہ ملتا ہے، تنخواہ نہیں۔ ملنا takes the dative: the recipient is marked with کو and the thing received is the grammatical subject, so ملتا ہے agrees with حصہ, which is masculine. کاشت کرنے والے is an agentive participle in the oblique before کو. The final تنخواہ نہیں is elliptical — and not a wage — and English should keep the compression. English: A farmer who cultivates on a sharecropping basis receives a share of the crop, not a wage.

  2. 02Sentence two: a full cause-and-consequence frame with a compound perfect

    چونکہ بیج، کھاد اور اکثر قرض بھی زمیندار ہی کے ذریعے آتا ہے، اِس لیے فصل کٹنے سے پہلے ہی حساب طے ہو چکا ہوتا ہے۔ چونکہ … اِس لیے is the since … therefore pair, and English usually drops the second half. کے ذریعے is through, with the emphatic ہی on زمیندار: through the landowner himself. طے ہو چکا ہوتا ہے is a completive compound with چکنا inside a habitual — has already been settled, as a recurring state. English: Since the seed, the fertiliser and often the credit as well come through the landowner, the account has already been settled before the crop is cut.

  3. 03Sentence three: a conditional with a subjunctive, and a relative clause carrying the point

    اگر موسم خراب ہو جائے تو نقصان کا بڑا حصہ اُسی کاشتکار کو اٹھانا پڑتا ہے جس کے پاس زمین نہیں۔ ہو جائے is a subjunctive of the intensive compound, required by اگر in a general conditional. اٹھانا پڑتا ہے is the obligation construction with پڑنا: has to bear. And the relative clause جس کے پاس زمین نہیں is where the paragraph's whole argument lands — the person with no land carries the risk. English: If the weather turns bad, the larger part of the loss has to be borne by the very cultivator who owns no land.

  4. 04Check that the causal chain survived

    The paragraph is one argument in three steps: a share not a wage, therefore an account settled in advance, therefore the risk falls on the person with the least. Read your English and confirm that a reader who has never seen the Urdu can follow that chain. A translation that renders each sentence correctly but loses چونکہ … اِس لیے, or that turns the conditional into a statement, has kept the words and dropped the reasoning.

Result: A farmer who cultivates on a sharecropping basis receives a share of the crop, not a wage. Since the seed, the fertiliser and often the credit as well come through the landowner, the account has already been settled before the crop is cut. If the weather turns bad, the larger part of the loss has to be borne by the very cultivator who owns no land.

Exam focus

  • Explain sharecropping and crop-advance credit as the mechanism of dependence. Mechanism outranks adjectives (AO4).
  • Distinguish the existence of a service from its functioning. It is a one-clause move that shows real knowledge.
  • On informal forums, give both the reason they persist and the legal limit on them. One-sided treatment reads as a political statement.

Typical mistakes

  • Describing rural poverty with adjectives instead of naming the arrangement that produces it.
  • Treating the جرگہ and the پنچایت as the same institution. They belong to different regions and traditions.
  • Asserting an inheritance statistic. Say that practice is reported to diverge from law and name the 2020 act.
  • Writing زمین with a masculine verb. زمین is feminine: زمین تقسیم کی گئی.

Active revision

دو سو الفاظ میں دیہی علاقوں پر زمین کی غیر مساوی ملکیت کے تین سماجی اثرات بیان کیجیے۔ بٹائی اور قرض کے تعلق کی وضاحت کیجیے، ایک قانون کا نام اور سنہ دیجیے، اور غیر رسمی عدالتوں کے بارے میں دونوں پہلو بیان کیجیے

Active recall

Recall the key points — then reveal.

Sources: Pearson Edexcel Level 3 Advanced GCE in Urdu (9UR0) specification (Pearson Edexcel)

§ 04

Urban and rural politics: differences and similarities#

●●●AdvancedLPPearson Edexcel 9UR0 Theme 4 — جاگیرداری نظام: شہری اور دیہاتی علاقوں کی سیاست میں فرق و مماثلتLPPearson Edexcel 9UR0 Paper 3 Section B

Key points

The specification asks for فرق و مماثلت, differences and similarities, and the word similarities is not decoration: an answer that lists only contrasts has answered half the aspect. Begin with the differences that are genuinely well attested. In a city constituency the electorate is larger and more anonymous, party organisation and party symbol matter more, the issues raised are typically service delivery — water, transport, rubbish, planning permission, policing — and the media environment is dense. In a rural constituency the electorate is smaller and more legible to a candidate, kin and faction networks are usable, and the issues raised are more often about access to the state itself: a transfer, a case, a scheme.
Now the similarities, which are where the analysis is. In both settings politics is largely transactional at the constituency level: an urban ward has its own brokers, its own patronage over a permit or a plot or a job, and its own factional competition, and studies of Karachi and Lahore describe intermediation quite as clearly as studies of a Sindhi village do. In both, party organisation matters more at the national level than at the constituency one. In both, biradari and origin-group networks persist, because people who moved to the city brought their networks with them. سیاست کے طریقے شہر اور گاؤں میں مختلف نظر آتے ہیں، مگر بیچ کے آدمی کی ضرورت دونوں جگہ موجود ہے.
The categories themselves also need questioning, and doing so is a strong move. Pakistan's official rural-urban classification depends on administrative definitions that many settlements outgrow without being reclassified, so a great deal of what is counted as rural is peri-urban in fact: dense, market-connected, non-agricultural in its main incomes. Circular migration means the same household may have members in both. شہری اور دیہی کی حد اتنی صاف نہیں جتنی مردم شماری کی فہرست میں لگتی ہے — the boundary between urban and rural is not as clean as the census list makes it look — is a sentence that repositions the whole comparison and it is defensible.
For an answer, use a criterion rather than a list. Pick one axis — who the intermediary is, what is asked of a politician, or what makes a vote — and run it through both settings, then draw the comparison. That structure produces a comparison rather than two descriptions, it satisfies both halves of فرق و مماثلت, and it forces the similarities to appear. Then finish with the qualification: how much of the difference is a difference of setting and how much is a difference of income, education or distance from the state? That is a question, not an answer, and posing it precisely is what the AO4 grid calls critical analysis.
Worked example

Paper 3 Section B: summarising a city councillor and a village schoolteacher

The heard source is a city councillor: she says her surgery is full of people asking about water connections and school admissions, that her party's symbol wins her the seat, and that she personally can only solve about a third of what is brought to her. The read source is a letter from a village schoolteacher: he writes that in his district people vote for a family rather than a party, and that the person they vote for can in fact get a transfer reversed. Write 5(a) and 5(b).

  1. 01Read for the claim each source makes about power, not about place

    She says the party wins the seat but she cannot deliver much; he says the family wins the seat and can deliver. The sources are not simply urban and rural: together they describe an inverse relation between how a seat is won and how much the winner can do. Seeing that before you write is what will make 5(c) writeable.

  2. 025(a): the councillor, with her own limitation included

    کونسلر کا نقطۂ نظر یہ ہے کہ شہری حلقے میں ووٹ پارٹی کے نشان پر ملتا ہے، مگر روزمرہ مطالبات — پانی کا کنکشن، اسکول میں داخلہ — اُن کے پاس آتے ہیں، اور اُن کے بقول وہ اِن میں سے تہائی کے قریب ہی حل کر پاتی ہیں۔ اُن کے بقول, according to her, keeps the estimate hers. حل کر پاتی ہیں uses پانا for managing to — a compound worth having, distinct from سکنا.

  3. 035(b): the teacher, keeping his two claims separate

    استاد کا مؤقف مختلف ہے: اُن کے ضلعے میں ووٹ کسی پارٹی کو نہیں بلکہ کسی خاندان کو دیا جاتا ہے، اور اُن کے مطابق جس شخص کو ووٹ ملتا ہے وہ واقعی تبادلہ رکوا سکتا ہے۔ دیا جاتا ہے is a habitual passive. رکوا سکتا ہے is a double causative — to have something stopped — plus the potential, which is precisely the right verb for getting a third party to reverse an official act, and it is on the Appendix 2 list under causal and double-causal verbs.

  4. 04Write down the relation for 5(c) before you leave the notes

    One line: پارٹی سے جیتنے والا کم کر سکتا ہے، خاندان سے جیتنے والا زیادہ. That inverse relation is the evaluation's thesis, it comes from the two sources rather than from your opinions, and having it written down means the ninety minutes for Section B do not run out in the middle of a paragraph.

Result: 5(a) کونسلر کا نقطۂ نظر یہ ہے کہ شہری حلقے میں ووٹ پارٹی کے نشان پر ملتا ہے، مگر روزمرہ مطالبات اُن کے پاس آتے ہیں، اور اُن کے بقول وہ اِن میں سے تہائی کے قریب ہی حل کر پاتی ہیں۔ 5(b) استاد کا مؤقف مختلف ہے: اُن کے ضلعے میں ووٹ کسی پارٹی کو نہیں بلکہ کسی خاندان کو دیا جاتا ہے، اور اُن کے مطابق جس شخص کو ووٹ ملتا ہے وہ واقعی تبادلہ رکوا سکتا ہے۔

Exam focus

  • Answer both halves. Similarities are half the aspect and are where the analysis lives (AO4).
  • Run one criterion through both settings rather than writing two descriptions. It is the structure that produces a comparison.
  • Question the rural-urban categories themselves; peri-urban settlement and circular migration blur them.

Typical mistakes

  • Writing two paragraphs of description and calling it a comparison.
  • Assuming urban politics is programmatic and rural politics is not. Both have brokers; the goods differ.
  • Ignoring the census definition problem. It is a cheap and genuine analytical point.
  • Writing سیاست with a masculine verb. سیاست is feminine: سیاست بدل گئی ہے.

Active revision

دو سو الفاظ میں شہری اور دیہی سیاست کا موازنہ کیجیے۔ پہلے ایک معیار مقرر کیجیے، پھر اُسی معیار پر دونوں کا جائزہ لیجیے، کم از کم دو مماثلتیں بھی بتائیے، اور آخر میں شہری اور دیہی کی تعریف پر ایک سوال اٹھائیے

Active recall

Recall the key points — then reveal.

Sources: Pearson Edexcel Level 3 Advanced GCE in Urdu (9UR0) specification (Pearson Edexcel)

§ 05

Environmental measures: the Theme 4 research subject (ماحولیاتی اقدامات)#

●●●AdvancedLPPearson Edexcel 9UR0 Theme 4 research subject — پاکستان میں ماحولیاتی مسائل سے متعلق اقدامات: موسمیاتی تبدیلی اور آلودگی کے سدِّ باب کے لیے حکومتی کارروائیاں، قدرتی آفات کے سدِّ باب کے لیے حکومتی اقدامات، غیر ملکی امدادی ادارےLPPearson Edexcel 9UR0 Paper 1 Section C

Who acts when a flood arrives: the chain the research subject is about

Flood response: the statutory chainGraph, Hazard: flood → National authority, National authority → Provincial body, Provincial body → District body, District body → Affected household, Foreign agencies → Provincial body, Foreign agencies → District bodyHazard: floodNationalauthorityProvincial bodyDistrict bodyAffectedhouseholdForeign agencies
Fig. 1The third aspect of this research subject asks about foreign aid organisations, and the reason candidates find it hard is that they picture aid arriving directly at a household. It does not: it enters a chain that already exists in law. Knowing the chain lets you ask the analytical question the aspect wants, which is whether an external actor strengthens the chain or bypasses it. The emphasised node is the district authority, because that is where preparation and response actually meet and where most published criticism concentrates. Node labels are English, since the figure engine has no bidi handling.

Key points

Theme 4's research subject is environmental measures in Pakistan, and its three aspects are government action against climate change and pollution, government measures against natural disasters, and foreign aid organisations in Pakistan. All three must be covered, the research is on Pakistan only, at least two authentic Urdu sources must be gathered independently, and neither work declared for Paper 2 may be used. Of the four research subjects this is the one with the densest institutional record, which makes it the easiest to research well and the easiest to write badly: a list of policy names with no argument scores no better than an essay of opinions. Note the specification's own word, اقدامات, measures — the subject is what the state and others have done, not what the problems are.
The first aspect gives you nameable institutions and dated policies. The Pakistan Environmental Protection Act of 1997 established the framework and the environmental protection agencies; after the Eighteenth Amendment of 2010 the subject was devolved, so provinces legislate and enforce, and a federal ministry for climate change coordinates. A National Climate Change Policy was adopted in 2012 and updated in 2021. The Billion Tree Tsunami programme ran in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa from 2014, and a Ten Billion Tree Tsunami was announced nationally in 2018. Pakistan is a party to the Paris Agreement of 2015 and has submitted nationally determined contributions under it. Whether the tree programmes achieved what was announced is precisely the kind of question that has been publicly argued, including about how the counting was verified — report that argument rather than the announcement.
The second aspect, disaster measures, has an equally clear institutional spine. The earthquake of 2005 led to a national disaster management framework, and the National Disaster Management Act of 2010 established the National Disaster Management Authority with provincial and district authorities beneath it. The floods of 2010 and of 2022 were the two largest tests of that system; the Karachi heatwave of 2015 and repeated glacial lake outburst floods in the north are others. The analytical question worth asking is the one the system itself asks: is the measure preparation or response? اقدامات کو دو حصوں میں بانٹنا مفید ہے: پیشگی تیاری اور بعد کی امداد؛ ناقدین کا کہنا ہے کہ پاکستان میں دوسرا حصہ پہلے سے زیادہ مضبوط ہے.
The third aspect asks about foreign aid organisations, and it is the aspect that most often collapses into a list. Name the kinds and then name instances: United Nations agencies, the international financial institutions, bilateral development agencies, and international non-governmental organisations, working alongside large Pakistani charitable organisations. Then ask the analytical questions that make it an aspect rather than a directory. Does external funding build state capacity or substitute for it? Who sets the priorities when a programme is funded from outside? And what is the argument Pakistan's own negotiators have made at climate conferences — that a country whose share of global emissions is small relative to its exposure has a claim on international finance, an argument connected to the loss and damage fund agreed at the 2022 conference. Name the claim, attribute it, and say who disputes it.
Worked example

Paper 1 Section C: building the environmental research answer around one distinction

The statement is ’پاکستان میں ماحولیاتی اقدامات اعلانات سے آگے نہیں بڑھے‘ — environmental measures in Pakistan have not gone beyond announcements. The unseen text is a report on a provincial tree-planting drive. Plan the 320-to-370-word answer.

  1. 01Turn the statement into a testable question

    As written it is a sweeping negative, and a sweeping negative is disproved by a single counter-example — which makes agreeing with it a weak strategy and disagreeing with it a trivial one. The productive move is to ask what would count as going beyond an announcement: a body created and staffed, a budget line, a published verification, an enforcement action. Setting that criterion in the first paragraph organises everything after it and demonstrates exactly the analytical control the AO4 grid describes.

  2. 02Open with the criterion, in formal Urdu

    اِس بیان کو پرکھنے کے لیے پہلے یہ طے کرنا ہوگا کہ ’اعلان سے آگے‘ بڑھنے کا مطلب کیا ہے۔ میری تحقیق میں تین معیار سب سے کارآمد نکلے: ادارہ بنا یا نہیں، بجٹ مختص ہوا یا نہیں، اور نتائج کی آزادانہ تصدیق ہوئی یا نہیں۔ Three criteria, stated as questions with یا نہیں, which the body will now answer one by one.

  3. 03Answer the criteria with dated institutional facts

    Bodies: the 1997 environmental protection framework and its agencies, devolution in 2010, the National Disaster Management Authority under the 2010 act. Budgets and policy: the 2012 climate policy updated in 2021, the 2018 national tree programme. Verification: this is the criterion the statement is strongest on, because published independent verification is precisely what has been argued about. Concede that: تیسرے معیار پر بیان سب سے زیادہ مضبوط ہے۔ Conceding the strongest point of the statement you are qualifying is what a levels-based grid reads as a controlled argument.

  4. 04Use the unseen text where it is evidence and where it is not

    متن ایک صوبائی مہم کی رپورٹ ہے: وہ یہ ثابت کرتا ہے کہ کام ہوا، مگر یہ نہیں بتاتا کہ لگائے گئے پودوں میں سے کتنے زندہ رہے۔ اِسی فرق پر پورا سوال ٹکا ہوا ہے۔ That is the AO2 mark in two sentences: what the text evidences, what it does not, and why the difference is the question.

  5. 05Conclude by qualifying rather than by agreeing or refusing

    میری رائے میں بیان مکمل طور پر درست نہیں: ادارے اور قوانین موجود ہیں اور آفات کے بعد ردِعمل بہتر ہوا ہے۔ لیکن جہاں تک آزادانہ تصدیق کا تعلق ہے، بیان کی گرفت مضبوط ہے، اور یہی وہ خلا ہے جسے پُر کیے بغیر باقی اقدامات کا اثر ناپا نہیں جا سکتا۔ Note ناپا نہیں جا سکتا, a negated passive potential, and note that the conclusion returns to the criterion set in the opening. A Section C answer that ends where it began, having tested something in between, is doing what the grid asks.

Result: Opening: اِس بیان کو پرکھنے کے لیے پہلے یہ طے کرنا ہوگا کہ ’اعلان سے آگے‘ بڑھنے کا مطلب کیا ہے: ادارہ بنا یا نہیں، بجٹ مختص ہوا یا نہیں، اور نتائج کی آزادانہ تصدیق ہوئی یا نہیں۔ Conclusion: میری رائے میں بیان مکمل طور پر درست نہیں: ادارے اور قوانین موجود ہیں اور آفات کے بعد ردِعمل بہتر ہوا ہے، لیکن جہاں تک آزادانہ تصدیق کا تعلق ہے، بیان کی گرفت مضبوط ہے، اور یہی وہ خلا ہے جسے پُر کیے بغیر باقی اقدامات کا اثر ناپا نہیں جا سکتا۔

Exam focus

  • Cover all three aspects, and give the foreign-aid aspect real analysis rather than a list of acronyms (AO4).
  • Split every measure into preparation and response. It is the single most useful analytical division in this subject.
  • Name the statute or policy with its year: 1997, 2010, 2012, 2018, 2021. Then argue about whether it did what it said.

Typical mistakes

  • Writing about environmental problems instead of measures. The specification's word is اقدامات.
  • Reporting a tree-planting total as a result. The announcement and the verified outcome are different claims and the difference has been publicly argued.
  • Forgetting devolution. Environment is a provincial subject after 2010, so 'the government' needs specifying.
  • Quoting an emissions share or a flood damage figure with no source. Attribute or describe the order of magnitude in words.

Active revision

تین سو الفاظ میں اِس بیان کا تنقیدی جائزہ لیجیے: ’پاکستان میں ماحولیاتی مسائل کا اصل مسئلہ قوانین کی کمی نہیں بلکہ عمل درآمد ہے‘۔ تحقیق کے تینوں پہلوؤں کو شامل کیجیے، کم از کم تین قوانین یا پالیسیوں کے نام اور سنہ دیجیے، ہر تعبیر کو منسوب کیجیے، اور اپنی رائے کو واضح طور پر اپنی رائے کہہ کر پیش کیجیے

Active recall

Recall the key points — then reveal.

Sources: Pearson Edexcel Level 3 Advanced GCE in Urdu (9UR0) specification (Pearson Edexcel) · GCE AS and A level subject content for modern foreign languages (Department for Education)

Contents

Section -- / 05

    • 01The sub-theme, and whether جاگیرداری is a description or a slogan●
    • 02Political effects in rural society●
    • 03Social effects in rural areas◐
    • 04Urban and rural politics: differences and similarities●
    • 05Environmental measures: the Theme 4 research subject (ماحولیاتی اقدامات)●

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From notes into training

Land, rural power and the environment research subject (چوتھا موضوع، جاگیرداری نظام)

Reinforce this topic with matching tasks from the question bank.

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4
Competencies
Practise

References & sources

Sources

Pearson Edexcel

  • Pearson Edexcel Level 3 Advanced GCE in Urdu (9UR0) specification

Department for Education

  • GCE AS and A level subject content for modern foreign languages

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