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Notes/Urdu/Popular culture, cinema and the media (دوسرا موضوع، مقبول کلچر)
Notes · UrduUK · A-Levels

Popular culture, cinema and the media (دوسرا موضوع، مقبول کلچر)

This topic carries the second sub-theme of Edexcel's second theme, مقبول کلچر, popular culture, whose three aspects are cinema's key movements and genres, the changes cinema has undergone together with the question of what may be shown, and the effects of television culture. It also carries Theme 2's research subject, میڈیا, media, with its own three aspects: freedom of expression, the effects of print media on politics, and the growth of political awareness through social media. That pairing explains a sentence in the specification that puzzles people on a first reading: Theme 2 is said to cover artistic culture past and present, folklore and popular culture, and political culture past and present, media. The theme is artistic on its sub-themes and political on its research subject, and the two halves meet exactly here. Like the rest of Theme 2 it spans Pakistan and areas of India where Urdu is an official language, and a research answer must choose one and stay there.

5 sections·~35 min reading time·4 competencies·Level Standard 3 · Advanced 2

T·0444 / 12
Exam profile
AO1 · Understand and respond in writing to spoken Urdu from broadcast and online sourcesAO2 · Understand and respond in writing to written Urdu including press and criticismAO3 · Manipulate Urdu accurately, using technical and critical vocabulary and a range of structuresAO4 · Show knowledge and understanding of, and respond critically to, screen culture and media in the Urdu-speaking world
Operators:بیان کیجیےتجزیہ کیجیےموازنہ کیجیےوضاحت کیجیےدلیل دیجیےتنقیدی جائزہ لیجیےترجمہ کیجیےخلاصہ لکھیے

basic level

At first-year standard the expectation is accurate description with a reasoned personal response: what kinds of film are made, what a drama serial is, which channels and newspapers exist, what the student watches or reads and why — written with secure agreement and enough technical vocabulary to name a genre, a shot or a section of a newspaper rather than describe it.

higher level

The full A-Level expects screen culture handled as institutional history. Who decides what may be shown, under which statute, and since when? What changed when a state monopoly on broadcasting ended? Are drama serials evidence about a society or interventions in it, and who says which? Answers must name real films, real serials, real regulators and real newspapers, must attribute every evaluation, and must keep Pakistan and Urdu-official India distinct.

Depth

Reading depth: In depth

Text

Text size: Standard

Contents · 5 sections▾
  1. Popular culture, cinema and the media (دوسرا موضوع، مقبول کلچر)
    • 01The sub-theme, and a working vocabulary for writing about screens◐
    • 02Key movements and genres in cinema (کلیدی تحریکیں اور اصناف)◐
    • 03Changes in cinema, and what may be shown●
    • 04The effects of television culture (ٹیلی وژن کلچر کے اثرات)◐
    • 05Media: the Theme 2 research subject (میڈیا)●
§ 01

The sub-theme, and a working vocabulary for writing about screens#

●●○StandardLPPearson Edexcel 9UR0 Theme 2 — مقبول کلچرLPPearson Edexcel 9UR0 Paper 2 Section A (translation into Urdu)

Key points

The sub-theme is titled popular culture, not cinema, and that matters: its three aspects are cinema-led, but the category is wider and includes television, recorded music and the whole commercial apparatus that produces culture for a mass audience. مقبول کلچر or عوامی کلچر is culture made for and circulated to many people through a technology of reproduction, which is precisely what distinguishes it from the لوک and کلاسیکی categories of the previous topic. The single most useful analytical sentence in this sub-theme is therefore about production rather than taste: مقبول کلچر کی تعریف اُس کے سامعین اور اُس کے ذریعۂ ترسیل سے ہوتی ہے، اُس کے معیار سے نہیں — popular culture is defined by its audience and its channel of transmission, not by its quality.
Cinema vocabulary in Urdu is largely Urdu, and using it costs nothing but earns AO3 range. فلم ساز is the producer, ہدایت کار the director, منظر نامہ or اسکرپٹ the screenplay, مکالمہ the dialogue, اداکار and اداکارہ the actors, عکس بندی the shooting, کیمرے کا زاویہ the camera angle, منظر a scene, ادارت or ایڈیٹنگ the editing, پس منظر موسیقی the background score, نغمہ نگار the lyricist, موسیقار the composer, سنسر بورڈ the censor board, and نمائش the exhibition or release. صنف is genre and تحریک is a movement — the two words the specification's own aspect uses. A candidate who writes ہدایت کار نے کیمرے کے زاویے سے کردار کی تنہائی دکھائی is doing film criticism; one who writes that the film was very good is not.
The genre vocabulary is worth fixing early because the aspect asks for genres by name. سماجی فلم is the social drama; رومانوی the romance; ایکشن فلم the action film; مزاحیہ the comedy; تاریخی the historical; جنگی the war film; and the musical is generally described through its songs rather than named as a genre, because song sequences run through almost every commercial genre in this cinema. In India from the 1960s onwards a body of low-budget, socially serious film-making came to be called متوازی سینما, parallel cinema, in contrast to the commercial mainstream. Naming the pair — commercial and parallel — gives you an axis to argue along instead of a list to recite.
One fact about the specification itself belongs here, because it shapes how this whole theme should be understood. Appendix 1's three prescribed films are Bin Roye, credited to Momina Duraid and released in 2015; Baghban, directed by Ravi Chopra and released in 2003; and Bajrangi Bhaijaan, directed by Kabir Khan and released in 2015. The first is a Pakistani production; the other two are Indian Hindi-language productions. The board treats all three as works for an Urdu qualification, and that is not carelessness: the dialogue register of commercial Hindi cinema draws heavily on the shared Hindustani base that Urdu and Hindi have in common, and many of its most celebrated screenwriters and lyricists — Sahir Ludhianvi, Kaifi Azmi, Majrooh Sultanpuri, Gulzar, Javed Akhtar — worked in Urdu. The essays are written in Urdu regardless of the film's country of production.
Worked example

Paper 2 Section A: a critical English paragraph into technical Urdu

Translate into Urdu and justify the technical choices. 'The director shows the character's isolation through the camera angle rather than through dialogue. In the second half the pace slows, and the background score almost disappears. Critics have disagreed about whether this restraint is a strength or a weakness.'

  1. 01Sentence one: build the instrument phrase before the verb

    ہدایت کار نے کردار کی تنہائی مکالمے کے بجائے کیمرے کے زاویے سے دکھائی ہے۔ Three points. نے is obligatory: دکھانا is transitive and the tense is perfect, so the ergative appears and the verb agrees with the object تنہائی, which is feminine — hence دکھائی ہے, not دکھایا ہے. کے بجائے, instead of, governs the oblique مکالمے. سے on کیمرے کے زاویے is the instrumental. Word order puts the two adverbial phrases before the verb, where Urdu wants them.

  2. 02Sentence two: two intransitive changes of state, no ergative

    دوسرے حصے میں رفتار سست ہو جاتی ہے اور پس منظر موسیقی تقریباً غائب ہو جاتی ہے۔ Both verbs are intransitive compounds with جانا, so there is no نے — a contrast with the first sentence that is worth noticing deliberately, because misplacing the ergative is the most common single accuracy error in this paper. رفتار and موسیقی are both feminine, so both verbs are feminine singular. تقریباً carries the Arabic tanwin ending and is spelled with it.

  3. 03Sentence three: report a disagreement without joining it

    ناقدین اِس پر متفق نہیں کہ یہ احتیاط فلم کی خوبی ہے یا کمزوری۔ متفق نہیں کہ is have not agreed whether. The English critics have disagreed about whether invites a heavy literal rendering; the Urdu idiom is lighter and better. خوبی and کمزوری are both feminine and stand in apposition as the two horns of the question. Note that the sentence reports the disagreement and takes no side, which is what the English did.

  4. 04Run the ergative check as a separate pass

    Go back through every perfective verb and ask two questions: is this verb transitive, and is the tense perfective? Only when both answers are yes does نے appear, and when it does, the verb agrees with the object unless the object carries کو, in which case the verb goes to the default masculine singular. In this passage that gives نے … دکھائی ہے in the first sentence and no نے anywhere else. Doing this as its own pass, after the meaning is settled, catches errors that a general reread will not.

Result: ہدایت کار نے کردار کی تنہائی مکالمے کے بجائے کیمرے کے زاویے سے دکھائی ہے۔ دوسرے حصے میں رفتار سست ہو جاتی ہے اور پس منظر موسیقی تقریباً غائب ہو جاتی ہے۔ ناقدین اِس پر متفق نہیں کہ یہ احتیاط فلم کی خوبی ہے یا کمزوری۔

Exam focus

  • Define popular culture by audience and channel, not by quality. It is a one-sentence move that reframes the whole sub-theme (AO4).
  • Use ہدایت کار, منظر, کیمرے کا زاویہ, ادارت and پس منظر موسیقی in your writing. Technical vocabulary is direct AO3 range.
  • Name genres in Urdu and use the commercial-versus-parallel axis rather than reciting a list.

Typical mistakes

  • Treating the sub-theme as cinema only. It is popular culture, and television is one of its three aspects.
  • Calling a commercial film a تحریک. A movement is a body of work with shared aims; a film is an instance.
  • Assuming all three prescribed films are Pakistani. Two are Indian productions, and knowing that is itself a fact about the Urdu-Hindi relationship.
  • Writing فلم with a masculine verb. فلم is feminine in Urdu: فلم بنائی گئی, not بنایا گیا.

Active revision

ڈیڑھ سو الفاظ میں لوک، کلاسیکی اور مقبول کلچر کا فرق واضح کیجیے، اور ہر ایک کی ایک مثال دیجیے۔ کم از کم چار سینمائی اصطلاحات استعمال کیجیے اور ایک جملے میں مفعولی صیغہ لائیے

Active recall

Recall the key points — then reveal.

Sources: Pearson Edexcel Level 3 Advanced GCE in Urdu (9UR0) specification (Pearson Edexcel)

§ 02

Key movements and genres in cinema (کلیدی تحریکیں اور اصناف)#

●●○StandardLPPearson Edexcel 9UR0 Theme 2 — مقبول کلچر: سینما سے متعلق کلیدی تحریکیں اور اصنافLPPearson Edexcel 9UR0 Paper 1 Section B (reading)

Landmarks in the screen culture of the Urdu-speaking world

Screen culture: eight fixed pointsTimeline from 1940 to 2025, 1947: Partition, 1959: Doordarshan, 1964: PTV begins, 1979: Maula Jatt, 1995: India cable act, 2002: PEMRA created, 2007: Khuda Kay Liye, 2016: PECA passed19402025Year1947Partition1959Doordarshan1964PTV begins1979Maula Jatt1995India cable act2002PEMRA created2007Khuda Kay Liye2016PECA passed
Fig. 1Eight dated landmarks, four from Pakistan and four from India or shared, that give a research answer something to hang an argument on. They are not a history of cinema; they are the fixed points a candidate can state flatly and then argue around. The emphasised event is 2002, when private electronic media were licensed in Pakistan under a new regulator, because that single change reorganised broadcasting, news and the drama serial at once. Labels are in English, since the figure engine has no bidi handling and would misorder a mixed script label.

Key points

Pakistan's film industry took shape after 1947 around studios in Lahore and Karachi, with Lahore the larger centre and the source of the nickname Lollywood, and it produced in both Urdu and Punjabi. The Urdu social drama, the romance and the musical dominated the earlier decades; a strand of Punjabi action cinema became commercially dominant from the late 1970s, with the 1979 film Maula Jatt the release most often cited as its landmark. The industry then contracted sharply through the 1980s and 1990s — fewer films, fewer working cinemas — and revived from the middle of the 2000s. Khuda Kay Liye in 2007 and Bol in 2011, both directed by Shoaib Mansoor, Zinda Bhaag in 2013, which Pakistan submitted to the Academy Awards, and a run of commercial successes from 2015 onwards are the usual markers of that revival.
The causes of the contraction are the interesting part, and they are argued about rather than settled. The explanations regularly offered include the arrival of the video cassette recorder and later of cable and satellite, which moved the audience out of the cinema hall; the tax and licensing environment; censorship policy under successive governments; the loss of screens to redevelopment; and the flight of investment towards television. Different writers weight these differently and some dispute the causal story altogether. صنعت کے زوال کی وجوہات پر اتفاق نہیں: کچھ ناقدین ویڈیو اور کیبل کو بنیادی سبب قرار دیتے ہیں، جبکہ دوسروں کے نزدیک پالیسی اور سرمایہ کاری زیادہ اہم تھی. Reporting that disagreement is worth more than picking a cause.
In India, the parallel history runs through the Hindi-language industry centred on Bombay, later Mumbai, whose commercial mainstream is the cinema most Urdu speakers on either side of the border have actually watched. Its dialogue register is the shared Hindustani base, and a great deal of its writing was done in Urdu script by writers formed in the Urdu literary tradition; the Muslim social was a recognised genre; and from the 1960s and 1970s a distinct متوازی سینما, parallel cinema, pursued lower budgets and social subjects against the commercial grain. Urdu-language film-making as such, however, is a smaller and largely historical category in India, and being clear about that distinction — a Hindi film with an Urdu-derived register is not the same thing as an Urdu film — is the kind of precision this aspect rewards.
For a genre paragraph, work from function rather than from labels. Ask what a genre is for: the سماجی فلم exists to put a social question before a mass audience and usually resolves it; the romance organises its plot around an obstacle that is social as often as it is personal; the action film supplies a hero whose violence is licensed by injustice; the war film narrates a national story. Then ask what a given period did with that function. That structure — genre, function, period, change — converts a list into an argument, and it works for every one of the three aspects in this sub-theme.
Worked example

Paper 1 Section B: two questions on a passage about the industry's decline

Passage: اسّی کی دہائی میں ویڈیو کیسٹ گھروں تک پہنچی تو سینما گھروں کی حاضری کم ہونے لگی۔ کچھ ناقدین اِسی کو زوال کی بنیادی وجہ قرار دیتے ہیں۔ تاہم فلم ساز اکثر یاد دلاتے ہیں کہ اُنہی برسوں میں سرمایہ کاری اور اجازت ناموں کے قواعد بھی بدلے تھے۔ Question (a): متن کے مطابق ناقدین زوال کی بنیادی وجہ کیا بتاتے ہیں؟ Question (b): لفظ ’تاہم‘ متن میں کیا کام کر رہا ہے؟

  1. 01Read for the discourse markers first

    This passage has three sentences and the third opens with تاہم, however. That word is the passage's architecture: it signals that what follows qualifies what preceded. Reading for markers — تاہم, جبکہ, اِس کے برعکس, چنانچہ, لہٰذا — before reading for content is the fastest way into an argumentative Urdu text, and Section B texts are frequently argumentative.

  2. 02Answer (a) by naming the critics' cause, and only theirs

    The passage attributes the cause to کچھ ناقدین: ویڈیو کیسٹ کا گھروں تک پہنچنا اور اُس کے نتیجے میں سینما گھروں کی حاضری کا کم ہونا. Your answer: کچھ ناقدین کے نزدیک بنیادی وجہ ویڈیو کیسٹ کا عام ہونا اور سینما گھروں میں حاضری کا کم ہونا ہے۔ Note the کے نزدیک: the question said متن کے مطابق, and the text itself attributed rather than asserted, so a faithful answer keeps the attribution.

  3. 03Answer (b) by naming the function, not the meaning

    A weak answer says تاہم کا مطلب ’لیکن‘ ہے, which is a dictionary entry and not an answer. The question asks what the word does here: it introduces a qualification from a different group of speakers, and by doing so it prevents the critics' explanation from standing as the passage's conclusion. Write: ’تاہم‘ یہاں ناقدین کی وضاحت کو محدود کرتا ہے اور فلم سازوں کی متبادل وضاحت متعارف کراتا ہے، جس سے یہ ظاہر ہوتا ہے کہ مصنف کسی ایک وجہ کو حتمی نہیں مانتا۔

  4. 04Keep the answers to the length the marks justify

    Section B carries 20 marks across four questions in a recommended 45 minutes, so an open-response answer is a sentence or two, in Urdu, in your own words. The temptation on a question like (b), where you can see the whole shape of the passage, is to write a paragraph about the author's method. Resist it: the marks are for naming the function and its effect, and the minutes are needed for the harder items.

Result: (a) کچھ ناقدین کے نزدیک بنیادی وجہ ویڈیو کیسٹ کا عام ہونا اور اُس کے نتیجے میں سینما گھروں میں حاضری کا کم ہونا ہے۔ (b) ’تاہم‘ یہاں ناقدین کی وضاحت کو محدود کرتا ہے اور فلم سازوں کی متبادل وضاحت متعارف کراتا ہے، جس سے ظاہر ہوتا ہے کہ مصنف کسی ایک وجہ کو حتمی نہیں مانتا۔

Exam focus

  • Name films with directors and years: Khuda Kay Liye 2007, Bol 2011, Zinda Bhaag 2013, Maula Jatt 1979. Dated instances are AO4 evidence.
  • Report the causes of the industry's contraction as a disagreement, not as a settled account (AO4).
  • Keep 'Hindi film with an Urdu-derived register' and 'Urdu film' distinct. The confusion is common and easy to avoid.

Typical mistakes

  • Writing that Pakistani cinema died. It contracted very sharply and then revived; the precise verb matters.
  • Attributing the decline to a single cause. That is the argument, and the argument is the answer.
  • Describing a film's plot in detail instead of analysing genre. The aspect asks for movements and genres, not synopses.
  • Using Lollywood as though it were a formal term. It is a nickname for the Lahore industry; say so once and then use the industry's real name.

Active revision

دو سو الفاظ میں پاکستانی سینما کے زوال اور بحالی کا بیان لکھیے۔ کم از کم تین فلمیں اپنے ہدایت کار اور سنہ کے ساتھ نام لیجیے، زوال کی کم از کم دو مختلف وضاحتیں منسوب کر کے پیش کیجیے، اور کوئی عدد نہ لکھیے جس کا ماخذ آپ نہ بتا سکیں

Active recall

Recall the key points — then reveal.

Sources: Pearson Edexcel Level 3 Advanced GCE in Urdu (9UR0) specification (Pearson Edexcel)

§ 03

Changes in cinema, and what may be shown#

●●●AdvancedLPPearson Edexcel 9UR0 Theme 2 — مقبول کلچر: سینما میں آنے والی تبدیلیاں اور کیا دکھایا جا سکتا ہےLPPearson Edexcel 9UR0 Paper 1 Section A (translation into English)

Key points

The specification's second aspect joins two things in one phrase — the changes cinema has undergone, and the question of what may be shown — and joining them is deliberate, because certification is one of the forces that produces the changes. In Pakistan films are certified by the Central Board of Film Censors, and after the Eighteenth Amendment devolved the subject, boards were established in Sindh and in Punjab, so a film's certification can differ between provinces; the arrangement has been adjusted more than once, so confirm the current position rather than asserting one. In India certification is the work of the Central Board of Film Certification under the Cinematograph Act of 1952, which issues categories including universal, parental guidance and adult. Naming the body and the statute is the difference between describing censorship and knowing how it works.
The technology of change is easier to state flatly. Sound, colour and the shift from celluloid to digital projection each reorganised what a film could be and what a cinema had to invest in; the video cassette, then cable and satellite, then the multiplex, and now streaming, each changed where the audience sits. Streaming is analytically the most interesting because it partly detaches release from certification: material that would once have had to pass a board to reach a screen can now reach a household directly, and both India and Pakistan have argued publicly about how, and whether, to regulate that. اسٹریمنگ نے نمائش اور اجازت کے درمیان پرانا رشتہ کمزور کر دیا ہے — a sentence that is both accurate and analytical.
Cross-border exhibition is a genuinely sensitive strand and should be handled with the house discipline. Indian films have been shown in Pakistani cinemas in some periods and not in others, and Pakistani performers have worked in the Indian industry in some periods and not in others; restrictions were re-imposed at points after 2016 and after 2019. The dates and the fact of restriction are institutional facts. Why they were imposed, whether they were justified and what they cost are political arguments in both countries, with governments, industry bodies, artists and commentators taking different positions. State the facts, attribute the arguments, name the disagreement as a disagreement, and check the current position before you write about it as though it were settled.
The analytical question underneath the whole aspect is worth stating explicitly, because it is what a strong answer argues about. Does certification shape a national cinema, or does it merely trail it? One position holds that restriction has visibly shaped what Pakistani and Indian film-makers attempt, and that whole subjects have been avoided rather than refused; another holds that commercial calculation, audience taste and the cost of production do far more to determine what gets made than any board does, and that certifiers mostly ratify what producers had already decided to make. Both positions are held by people who work in the industry. اِس سوال کا جواب اِس بات پر منحصر ہے کہ ہم اُن فلموں کو کیسے شمار کریں جو کبھی بنائی ہی نہیں گئیں — and noticing that the evidence for one side is by definition invisible is itself a strong analytical move.
Worked example

Paper 1 Section A: a paragraph about regulation, out of Urdu into English

Translate and account for every joint. جو فلم کبھی بنائی ہی نہ گئی ہو، اُس کا حساب کوئی نہیں رکھتا۔ یہی وجہ ہے کہ سنسر شپ کے اثر کو ناپنا مشکل ہے: ہمیں صرف وہ فلمیں نظر آتی ہیں جو منظور ہوئیں یا جنہیں روکا گیا۔ اگر کسی ہدایت کار نے کوئی موضوع پہلے ہی چھوڑ دیا ہو تو یہ فیصلہ کسی رجسٹر میں درج نہیں ہوتا۔

  1. 01Sentence one: a relative clause with a subjunctive perfect

    جو فلم کبھی بنائی ہی نہ گئی ہو، اُس کا حساب کوئی نہیں رکھتا۔ بنائی ہی نہ گئی ہو is a passive perfect in the subjunctive — the mood is required because the clause describes a hypothetical film rather than a particular one, and Appendix 2 lists the subjunctive after expressions of doubt and possibility. ہی is emphatic: never even made. حساب رکھنا is to keep count of, with کا. English: Nobody keeps count of a film that was never made in the first place.

  2. 02Sentence two: a cleft-like frame plus an infinitive as subject

    یہی وجہ ہے کہ سنسر شپ کے اثر کو ناپنا مشکل ہے۔ یہی وجہ ہے کہ is this is exactly why, the emphatic یہی doing the work an English cleft would do. ناپنا, to measure, is an infinitive used as the subject of مشکل ہے, and it takes کو on its object اثر — an inflected-infinitive pattern the grammar list names. English: This is exactly why the effect of censorship is difficult to measure.

  3. 03Sentence three: two relative clauses with contrasting voices

    ہمیں صرف وہ فلمیں نظر آتی ہیں جو منظور ہوئیں یا جنہیں روکا گیا۔ نظر آنا is to be visible and takes the dative ہمیں: we see, literally to us are visible. منظور ہوئیں is intransitive and feminine plural; جنہیں روکا گیا is a passive with the oblique relative pronoun and کو — the object is marked, so the verb stays default masculine singular. That asymmetry is deliberate and correct, and it is exactly the sort of thing a marker checks. English: We see only the films that were approved or the ones that were blocked.

  4. 04Sentence four: a conditional with a subjunctive protasis

    اگر کسی ہدایت کار نے کوئی موضوع پہلے ہی چھوڑ دیا ہو تو یہ فیصلہ کسی رجسٹر میں درج نہیں ہوتا۔ چھوڑ دیا ہو is a perfect subjunctive after اگر, and the ergative نے is present because چھوڑنا is transitive and the tense perfective. درج ہونا is to be recorded. English: If a director has already abandoned a subject, that decision is not recorded in any register. The paragraph's whole argument is in the tense sequence, so a translation that flattens the subjunctives loses the reasoning as well as the marks.

Result: Nobody keeps count of a film that was never made in the first place. This is exactly why the effect of censorship is difficult to measure: we see only the films that were approved or the ones that were blocked. If a director has already abandoned a subject, that decision is not recorded in any register.

Exam focus

  • Name the certifying body and its statute for whichever country you are writing about. It converts an impression into research (AO4).
  • Use streaming as your example of a change that loosened the link between exhibition and permission (AO4).
  • On cross-border restriction, state the dated facts and attribute every judgement. This is exactly where the specification's cultural-sensitivity instruction bites.

Typical mistakes

  • Writing that films are banned in Pakistan or India without naming who bans, under what power, and when.
  • Assuming certification is uniform across Pakistan. Provincial boards exist and the arrangement has changed; say so and check.
  • Turning the cross-border question into a verdict about a country. Report the argument and locate yourself in it explicitly.
  • Confusing certification with prohibition. A certificate restricts an audience; a refusal blocks a release. The two are different acts.

Active revision

دو سو الفاظ میں اِس سوال کا جواب دیجیے: کیا سنسر شپ نے سینما کی شکل بدلی ہے، یا صرف اُس کے پیچھے چلتی رہی ہے؟ کم از کم ایک ادارے اور ایک قانون کا نام لیجیے، دونوں مؤقف منسوب کر کے پیش کیجیے، اور اپنے نتیجے کو اپنی رائے کہہ کر پیش کیجیے

Active recall

Recall the key points — then reveal.

Sources: Pearson Edexcel Level 3 Advanced GCE in Urdu (9UR0) specification (Pearson Edexcel)

§ 04

The effects of television culture (ٹیلی وژن کلچر کے اثرات)#

●●○StandardLPPearson Edexcel 9UR0 Theme 2 — مقبول کلچر: ٹیلی وژن کلچر کے اثراتLPPearson Edexcel 9UR0 Paper 3 Section B

Key points

Television in Pakistan begins with a date worth knowing: the Pakistan Television Corporation began transmission in 1964, and for nearly four decades a state broadcaster was effectively the only television in the country. In India, Doordarshan began in 1959 and expanded into a national network through the 1980s. The decisive institutional change in Pakistan came in 2002, when the Pakistan Electronic Media Regulatory Authority was established and private channels were licensed; the decisive change in India came earlier, with satellite and cable in the 1990s and the Cable Television Networks (Regulation) Act of 1995. One state channel and forty private ones are different objects, and almost every claim in this aspect depends on which era you are describing.
The Urdu drama serial is the cultural form this aspect exists to discuss, and the 1980s output of the state broadcaster is the standard reference point: writers such as Haseena Moin, Ashfaq Ahmed, Bano Qudsia and Fatima Surayya Bajia, and serials including Ankahi, Tanhaiyan, Dhoop Kinare and Waris. That period is remembered for long-form character writing and for putting middle-class family life on screen in Urdu. The contemporary industry — Hum TV, ARY Digital, Geo Entertainment and others — produces on a very different commercial model, with more serials, shorter production cycles and an export audience including India and the diaspora. Pakistani serials have travelled unusually well, and their reception abroad is itself a good AO4 point about soft power and shared language.
The effects the specification asks about can be sorted into four that are describable and defensible. Television created a shared temporal experience — a country watching the same episode on the same evening. It carried argument about social questions into the household: marriage, divorce, women's work, class and inheritance are the recurring subjects of the serial, and putting them into a drama is not the same as reporting them. It built an advertising economy, so the serial's form is shaped by the break as surely as by the story. And after 2002 in Pakistan the news channel and the political talk show became a permanent feature of public life, which is where this sub-theme joins the theme's research subject on media.
The live debate here is worth stating carefully because it is genuinely open: do serials reflect the society or shape it? Producers commonly argue that they dramatise what audiences already live and that a serial with no recognition dies commercially; critics commonly argue that repeated portrayals normalise, that certain resolutions are offered far more often than others, and that a drama teaches by what it declines to show as much as by what it shows. Neither claim is easy to test, and a candidate who says so is being accurate rather than evasive. کچھ پروڈیوسروں کا مؤقف ہے کہ ڈرامہ معاشرے کا عکس ہے، جبکہ کئی ناقدین کے نزدیک وہ عکس کے ساتھ ساتھ سانچہ بھی ہے.
Worked example

Paper 3 Section B: summarising a broadcaster and a critic on the same question

The heard source is a producer being interviewed: she says her serials are written from what viewers tell her they recognise, that a story nobody recognises fails commercially, and that she has no power to make anyone believe anything. The read source is a critic's column: he argues that recognition is not neutral, that the same handful of endings recur, and that a viewer learns from repetition rather than from a single episode. Write 5(a) and 5(b).

  1. 01Note the producer's argument as an argument, not as a denial

    She is not saying television has no effect; she is making a claim about mechanism — that commercial selection ties content to what audiences already recognise. Summarise the mechanism, because the mechanism is the viewpoint. Missing it and writing that she denies influence is the standard error and it forfeits marks on the AO1 grid, which rewards relevant judgement on the viewpoints in the spoken source.

  2. 025(a): the heard source, in two sentences

    پروڈیوسر کا نقطۂ نظر یہ ہے کہ ڈرامہ ناظرین کی پہچان پر بنتا ہے: جو کہانی وہ پہچانتے نہیں، وہ تجارتی طور پر ناکام ہو جاتی ہے۔ اُن کے نزدیک اِسی وجہ سے ڈرامہ نگار کے پاس لوگوں کو کچھ ماننے پر مجبور کرنے کی طاقت نہیں۔ Note جو … وہ, the correlative relative, and مجبور کرنے کی طاقت, an inflected infinitive inside a possessive phrase — both on the grammar list.

  3. 035(b): the read source, keeping his two distinct moves apart

    کالم نگار کا مؤقف مختلف ہے: اُن کے مطابق ’پہچان‘ خود غیر جانبدار نہیں، کیونکہ ہر بار وہی چند انجام دہرائے جاتے ہیں؛ اور اُن کا کہنا ہے کہ ناظر ایک قسط سے نہیں بلکہ تکرار سے سیکھتا ہے۔ Two claims, separated by a semicolon, because they are separate: one about what is selected, one about how learning happens. دہرائے جاتے ہیں is a habitual passive, plural, and it is the right voice because the critic is deliberately not naming who repeats them.

  4. 04Name the point of contact for the evaluation to come

    The two sources are not simply for and against. They meet on the word recognition: she treats it as a constraint the market imposes, he treats it as an outcome the industry produces. Writing that down at the end of your notes gives 5(c) its opening sentence and saves five minutes of the ninety you have for this section.

Result: 5(a) پروڈیوسر کا نقطۂ نظر یہ ہے کہ ڈرامہ ناظرین کی پہچان پر بنتا ہے: جو کہانی وہ پہچانتے نہیں، وہ تجارتی طور پر ناکام ہو جاتی ہے۔ اُن کے نزدیک اِسی وجہ سے ڈرامہ نگار کے پاس لوگوں کو کچھ ماننے پر مجبور کرنے کی طاقت نہیں۔ 5(b) کالم نگار کا مؤقف مختلف ہے: اُن کے مطابق ’پہچان‘ خود غیر جانبدار نہیں، کیونکہ ہر بار وہی چند انجام دہرائے جاتے ہیں، اور ناظر ایک قسط سے نہیں بلکہ تکرار سے سیکھتا ہے۔

Exam focus

  • Date the two institutional turns — 1964 and 2002 in Pakistan, 1959 and 1995 in India — and say which era your claim belongs to (AO4).
  • Name serials and their writers. Two named 1980s serials and one contemporary channel is enough to show real knowledge.
  • Give the reflect-or-shape debate both sides and then say what evidence would settle it. That is critical analysis in the grid's sense.

Typical mistakes

  • Treating Pakistani television as one thing. State-monopoly television and post-2002 private television are different institutions.
  • Claiming a serial changed public attitudes without evidence. Say who claims it, and note that the claim is hard to test.
  • Ignoring advertising. The commercial model shapes the form, and mentioning it is a fast route to an analytical point.
  • Writing ڈرامہ with a feminine verb. It is masculine: ڈرامہ نشر کیا گیا.

Active revision

دو سو الفاظ میں لکھیے کہ پاکستان میں 2002 کے بعد نجی ٹیلی وژن کے آغاز سے کیا بدلا۔ کم از کم دو اثرات بیان کیجیے، ایک ڈرامے یا چینل کا نام لیجیے، اور آخر میں یہ بتائیے کہ کون سا اثر ناپنا مشکل ہے اور کیوں

Active recall

Recall the key points — then reveal.

Sources: Pearson Edexcel Level 3 Advanced GCE in Urdu (9UR0) specification (Pearson Edexcel)

§ 05

Media: the Theme 2 research subject (میڈیا)#

●●●AdvancedLPPearson Edexcel 9UR0 Theme 2 research subject — میڈیا: آزادیِ اظہار، سیاست پر پرنٹ میڈیا کے اثرات، سوشل میڈیا کے نتیجے میں بڑھتا ہوا سیاسی شعورLPPearson Edexcel 9UR0 Paper 1 Section C

The three media aspects, and what to name in each country

Naming institutions for the media research subjectTable with 3 columns and 4 rows, Data: Aspect · Name, in Pakistan · Name, in Urdu-official India; Free expression · Constitution Article 19, with its restrictions · Constitution Article 19(1)(a) and 19(2); Print and politics · Press Council of Pakistan; the Urdu dailies · Press Council of India; the Urdu dailies; Broadcasting · PEMRA, licensing private channels from 2002 · Cable Television Networks Act, 1995; Online · Prevention of Electronic Crimes Act, 2016 · Information Technology Act, 2000, highlighted cell: Prevention of Electronic Crimes Act, 2016ASPECTNAME, IN PAKISTANNAME, IN URDU-OFFICIALINDIAFREE EXPRESSIONConstitution Article 19,with its restrictionsConstitution Article19(1)(a) and 19(2)PRINT AND POLITICSPress Council of Pakistan;the Urdu dailiesPress Council of India; theUrdu dailiesBROADCASTINGPEMRA, licensing privatechannels from 2002Cable Television NetworksAct, 1995ONLINEPrevention of ElectronicCrimes Act, 2016Information Technology Act,2000
Fig. 2The research subject requires one country or area, so this plate is a chooser rather than a comparison: pick a column and work down it. Everything in it is an institution or a statute with a date, which is the kind of evidence the AO4 grid credits as research rather than opinion. The emphasised cell is Pakistan's 2016 online statute, because the online aspect is the one candidates most often write about with no legal frame at all. Romanised English throughout, since the figure engine has no bidi handling.

Key points

Media is Theme 2's research subject, and it is the reason the specification describes this theme as covering political culture as well as artistic culture. Its three aspects are آزادیِ اظہار, freedom of expression; سیاست پر پرنٹ میڈیا کے اثرات, the effects of print media on politics; and سوشل میڈیا کے نتیجے میں بڑھتا ہوا سیاسی شعور, the growth of political awareness through social media. All three must be covered. Because this is Theme 2, the country rule is the wider one: research may be based on Pakistan or on one area of India where Urdu is an official language — one of them, not both — and the Section C unseen text will accordingly be written to be general and equally relevant to either.
The legal frame for freedom of expression is nameable and dated in both countries. In Pakistan, Article 19 of the Constitution guarantees freedom of speech and expression and freedom of the press subject to reasonable restrictions imposed by law on enumerated grounds; the Pakistan Electronic Media Regulatory Authority has licensed and regulated private broadcasting since 2002; the Prevention of Electronic Crimes Act was passed in 2016; a federal Right of Access to Information Act followed in 2017, with provincial equivalents; and a federal statute on the protection of journalists and media professionals was passed in 2021. In India, Article 19(1)(a) guarantees freedom of speech and expression subject to the reasonable restrictions of Article 19(2); the Press Council of India is the statutory body for the print press; the Cable Television Networks (Regulation) Act dates from 1995 and the Information Technology Act from 2000. Statutes are amended, so name the instrument, name the year, and say that the current position should be confirmed.
The print aspect is best written about through named titles and through mechanism. The large Urdu dailies of Pakistan — Jang, Nawa-i-Waqt, Express, Dunya — and of Urdu-speaking India — Inquilab in Mumbai, Siasat in Hyderabad among others — have identifiable readerships and identifiable editorial positions, and the mechanisms by which a newspaper affects politics are describable: agenda-setting, which decides what is discussed; framing, which decides how; the editorial and the column, which argue openly; and the economics of advertising and distribution, which decide who survives. اخبار صرف خبر نہیں دیتا، بلکہ یہ بھی طے کرتا ہے کہ کس بات پر بات ہوگی — a newspaper does not only give news, it also decides what will be discussed — is the sentence that turns this aspect into analysis.
The social media aspect is phrased as a growth in political awareness, and the honest treatment tests that framing rather than assuming it. There are strong reasons to think participation widened: platforms lowered the cost of publishing, let people organise without institutions, and carried Urdu-language political argument to audiences the press never reached. There are equally serious counter-arguments: that reach is unequally distributed, that coordinated campaigns and misinformation travel as easily as argument, that platform incentives reward heat, and that internet shutdowns and content restrictions apply to these channels too. And there is a measurement problem underneath both — awareness is not a quantity anyone measures directly, so claims about it are usually inferences from something else. Say so, attribute both positions, and conclude in your own voice.
Worked example

Paper 1 Section C: the opening and turn of a media research answer

The statement is ’پرنٹ میڈیا اب سیاست پر اثر انداز نہیں ہوتا‘ — print media no longer influences politics. The unseen text is a general article about the growth of online news consumption. You have researched media in Pakistan. Build the answer's opening, its central turn and its conclusion.

  1. 01Spot what the statement quietly assumes

    It assumes that influence is the same thing as audience size, and that a smaller readership means less effect. Both are contestable, and naming the assumption is the fastest way to a distinctive answer. A candidate who simply argues that newspapers still have readers has accepted the statement's own metric and is now arguing about a number they cannot source.

  2. 02Open by refusing the metric, not the claim

    یہ بیان اِس مفروضے پر کھڑا ہے کہ اثر کا پیمانہ قارئین کی تعداد ہے۔ میری تحقیق کے مطابق پاکستان میں پرنٹ میڈیا کا اثر تعداد سے نہیں بلکہ اُس کے قارئین کی نوعیت اور اخبار کے ایجنڈا طے کرنے کے کردار سے سمجھا جانا چاہیے۔ Note سمجھا جانا چاہیے, a passive with چاہیے — should be understood — which is on the Appendix 2 list and reads as genuinely formal Urdu.

  3. 03Use the unseen text as the pivot rather than as support

    متن میں آن لائن خبروں کے پھیلاؤ کا ذکر ہے، مگر متن یہ نہیں بتاتا کہ آن لائن گردش کرنے والی بہت سی خبریں پہلے کہاں شائع ہوئیں۔ The AO2 grid is out of 10 and rewards responding to the text; the strongest response is often to accept what it says and then name what it leaves out. Here the omission is the supply chain of news, which is the whole argument.

  4. 04Give the three aspects a paragraph each, with statutes attached

    Free expression gets Article 19 and its restrictions, PEMRA from 2002 and the 2016 online statute, treated as the legal environment all three aspects sit in. Print gets agenda-setting, the named dailies and the editorial. Social media gets the counter-case: reach, coordinated campaigns, and the measurement problem. Each paragraph opens with an attributed claim, then a mechanism, then an example. Do not narrate all of your research; select what the statement requires.

  5. 05Conclude by answering the word 'no longer'

    میری رائے میں بیان کا لفظ ’اب نہیں‘ ہی سب سے کمزور حصہ ہے: پرنٹ میڈیا کا کردار بدلا ضرور ہے — وہ اب براہِ راست ناظر تک کم پہنچتا ہے — لیکن خبر کی پیداوار اور ایجنڈے کی تشکیل میں اُس کی جگہ ختم نہیں ہوئی۔ Attacking the statement's own key word is the cleanest way to structure a Section C conclusion, and it guarantees that your conclusion is about the question rather than about the topic.

Result: Opening: یہ بیان اِس مفروضے پر کھڑا ہے کہ اثر کا پیمانہ قارئین کی تعداد ہے۔ میری تحقیق کے مطابق پاکستان میں پرنٹ میڈیا کا اثر تعداد سے نہیں بلکہ اُس کے قارئین کی نوعیت اور اخبار کے ایجنڈا طے کرنے کے کردار سے سمجھا جانا چاہیے۔ Conclusion: میری رائے میں بیان کا لفظ ’اب نہیں‘ ہی سب سے کمزور حصہ ہے: پرنٹ میڈیا کا کردار بدلا ضرور ہے، لیکن خبر کی پیداوار اور ایجنڈے کی تشکیل میں اُس کی جگہ ختم نہیں ہوئی۔

Exam focus

  • Cover all three aspects and choose one country or area for the whole answer (AO4).
  • Name the statute and the year: Article 19, PEMRA 2002, PECA 2016 for Pakistan; Article 19(1)(a), the 1995 cable act, the 2000 IT act for India.
  • Explain print influence through agenda-setting and framing rather than through the word bias. Mechanism outranks accusation.

Typical mistakes

  • Writing about both countries in a Theme 2 research answer. The rule is one country or area, and mixing costs you time and marks.
  • Asserting that social media raised political awareness. That is the framing the aspect gives you; testing it is the work.
  • Quoting circulation or user numbers from memory. Name the publisher of the figure, or describe the pattern instead.
  • Using a declared Paper 2 film as evidence about media. The research must not relate to or refer to a work studied for Paper 2.

Active revision

تین سو الفاظ میں اِس بیان کا تنقیدی جائزہ لیجیے: ’سوشل میڈیا نے عام لوگوں کا سیاسی شعور بڑھایا ہے‘۔ تحقیق کے تینوں پہلوؤں کو چھوئیے، صرف ایک ملک یا علاقے پر بات کیجیے، کم از کم دو قوانین کا نام اور سنہ دیجیے، اور آخر میں یہ بتائیے کہ اِس دعوے کو ناپنا کیوں مشکل ہے

Active recall

Recall the key points — then reveal.

Sources: Pearson Edexcel Level 3 Advanced GCE in Urdu (9UR0) specification (Pearson Edexcel) · GCE AS and A level subject content for modern foreign languages (Department for Education)

Contents

Section -- / 05

    • 01The sub-theme, and a working vocabulary for writing about screens◐
    • 02Key movements and genres in cinema (کلیدی تحریکیں اور اصناف)◐
    • 03Changes in cinema, and what may be shown●
    • 04The effects of television culture (ٹیلی وژن کلچر کے اثرات)◐
    • 05Media: the Theme 2 research subject (میڈیا)●

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From notes into training

Popular culture, cinema and the media (دوسرا موضوع، مقبول کلچر)

Reinforce this topic with matching tasks from the question bank.

~35
min
4
Competencies
Practise

References & sources

Sources

Pearson Edexcel

  • Pearson Edexcel Level 3 Advanced GCE in Urdu (9UR0) specification

Department for Education

  • GCE AS and A level subject content for modern foreign languages

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EuraStudy·Notes T·04·MMXXVI

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