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Notes/Japanese/復興への政策 and 省エネ生活 — reconstruction, resilience and the energy argument (テーマ4・2)
Notes · JapaneseUK · A-Levels

復興への政策 and 省エネ生活 — reconstruction, resilience and the energy argument (テーマ4・2)

This topic carries the second sub-theme of Edexcel's fourth theme, テーマ4:東日本大震災後の日本, which is 復興への政策 and which has four aspects rather than three: 被災地の立て直し, ボランティアや国民の団結, 困難を乗り切る力 and 心のケア. It also carries Theme 4's research subject, 福島原発事故後の省エネ生活, with its three aspects — energy saving in daily life, the argument over energy supply, and older wisdom about using less — because the energy question after 2011 is the clearest live political argument anywhere in this specification and belongs beside the reconstruction policy it grew out of. The topic keeps the honesty rules of its companion: no invented statistics, no fabricated testimony, contested assessments attributed rather than adjudicated. The energy argument in particular is treated as a genuine, unresolved disagreement between positions held by serious people, and the notes state both cases fairly and decline to settle it.

5 sections·~32 min reading time·4 competencies·Level Standard 2 · Advanced 3

T·0999 / 12
Exam profile
AO1 · Understand and respond in writing to spoken Japanese about reconstruction, energy and communityAO2 · Understand and respond in writing to written Japanese of policy and argumentative registerAO3 · Manipulate Japanese accurately, using the vocabulary of policy, obligation and debateAO4 · Show knowledge and understanding of, and respond critically to, reconstruction policy and the Japanese energy debate
Operators:説明しなさい比べなさい分析しなさい評価しなさい論じなさい要約しなさい訳しなさい

basic level

At first-year standard the expectation is accurate, restrained description: what the reconstruction agency does, what people did to save electricity, what traditional ways of keeping cool exist, why the argument about nuclear power continues — with correct readings, a consistent register and no invented detail.

higher level

The full A-Level expects the trade-offs argued. What does a higher sea wall cost the community that gets it? Who decides what recovery means, and by what measure? What are the strongest versions of both energy positions? Answers must state each case at its strongest, attribute every evaluation, and reach a conclusion the reader could have predicted from the argument.

Depth

Reading depth: In depth

Text

Text size: Standard

Contents · 5 sections▾
  1. 復興への政策 and 省エネ生活 — reconstruction, resilience and the energy argument (テーマ4・2)
    • 01被災地の立て直し: reconstruction policy and what it costs●
    • 02ボランティアや国民の団結 and 困難を乗り切る力◐
    • 03心のケア: the aspect that proves the harm continued●
    • 04福島原発事故後の省エネ生活: daily saving, and older wisdom about using less◐
    • 05エネルギー供給をめぐる議論: a genuine, unresolved disagreement●
§ 01

被災地の立て直し: reconstruction policy and what it costs#

●●●AdvancedLPPearson Edexcel 9JA0 テーマ4 復興への政策 — 被災地の立て直しLPPearson Edexcel 9JA0 テーマ4 — set in the context of political culture past and presentLPDfE GCE AS and A level subject content for modern foreign languages

The four aspects of 復興への政策

The four aspects of the sub-themeGraph, 復興政策 → 立て直し, 復興政策 → 団結, 復興政策 → 乗り切る, 復興政策 → 心のケア復興政策立て直し団結乗り切る心のケア
Fig. 1The sub-theme's own four aspects, drawn from one root. This sub-theme has four rather than the usual three, which is easy to miss when planning an answer, and the figure exists mainly to make that visible. The emphasised edge is the one running to 心のケア, because it is the aspect that most often gets a sentence when it deserves a paragraph: psychological support is the aspect that establishes that harm continued long after the physical rebuilding, and it is the natural bridge to the 震災関連死 material in the companion topic. Node labels are held to four characters, since the figure engine measures label width in code points while a kanji draws at roughly twice that.

Key points

復興[ふっこう] is reconstruction or recovery, and it is a different word from 復旧[ふっきゅう], restoration — putting back what was there — which is a distinction Japanese policy documents make deliberately and which is worth carrying into an essay. The institutional anchors are dateable. A framework law for reconstruction was enacted in 2011, and the 復興庁[ふっこうちょう], the Reconstruction Agency, was established in 2012 as a body with a fixed term whose life has since been extended: an agency created to close is itself an interesting political fact, because it embeds an assumption about how long recovery takes. 復興計画[ふっこうけいかく] is a reconstruction plan, and municipalities drew up their own, which is why the shape of recovery differs from town to town.
The physical measures each carry a trade-off, and naming the trade-off is what makes an answer analytical rather than descriptive. 高台移転[たかだいいてん], relocating housing to higher ground, protects against a future tsunami and separates people from the harbours and streets their livelihoods and their social life were built around. 防潮堤[ぼうちょうてい], sea walls, were rebuilt higher in many places, and in several communities that was locally contested — on cost, on the loss of the view and the access to the sea, and on whether a wall encourages people to stay in a dangerous place. 区画整理[くかくせいり], land readjustment, reorganises plots and takes years, during which residents wait. None of those is a criticism of reconstruction; all of them are what reconstruction consists of.
The measure of success is itself contested, and that is the best available essay question in this sub-theme. If recovery is measured by infrastructure, much was rebuilt. If it is measured by population, many coastal municipalities have fewer residents than before, because people who waited elsewhere for years built lives elsewhere — 人口流出[じんこうりゅうしゅつ] is the term. If it is measured by economic activity, the picture differs by sector, with fisheries and food producers additionally affected by 風評被害. So the sentence to build an essay around is a question about criteria, not about outcomes: 復興が進んだかどうかは、何を基準にするかによって答えが変わる. That is defensible, it is true, and it is exactly what the AO4 grid means by critical analysis.
The political framing must be handled as framing. The 2020 Tokyo Olympic Games, held in 2021, were promoted by the Japanese government under the description 復興五輪, the Recovery Olympics, and that description was itself argued about — welcomed by some as attention and investment, criticised by others as diverting resources and construction capacity from the affected region, or as presenting a recovery that residents did not recognise. Report the framing and report the argument, and attribute both: 政府は大会を「復興五輪」と位置づけたが、この呼び方には被災地からも批判があった. A candidate who reports only the official framing has reported a press release.
Worked example

Building a paragraph of argued Japanese about a reconstruction trade-off

From one bare fact — sea walls were rebuilt higher in many affected communities — build a paragraph of essay-register Japanese in about 170 characters that states, complicates, attributes both sides and concludes.

  1. 01State the measure and its stated purpose

    震災の後、多くの被災地では、津波に備えて防潮堤がより高く造り直された. ~に備えて is in preparation for, and it states the purpose without endorsing it. 造り直す is to rebuild, formed from the ます-stem plus 直す — a productive pattern (見直す, 問い直す, 立て直す) that Appendix 2's ます-stem constructions prepare you for. The passive 造り直された leaves the agent unstated, which is right because national policy, prefectures and municipalities were all involved.

  2. 02Introduce the disagreement as a fact about the community, not a judgement

    しかし、この計画には地元からも賛否があった. 賛否[さんぴ] means for and against, and 賛否があった is a compact and neutral way to say the matter was disputed. からも carries the point: opposition came from the affected communities themselves, not only from outside commentators, which is the fact that makes this worth writing about. Notice you have not yet said what either side argued — that comes next, and separating the existence of the dispute from its content keeps the paragraph orderly.

  3. 03State the case for, at its strongest

    安全を最優先すべきだという意見がある一方で. すべきだ is the strong obligation form and it belongs to whoever is arguing, not to you — putting it inside という意見 makes that clear. 最優先[さいゆうせん] is highest priority. Giving the position its own strongest word rather than a weakened paraphrase is what fairness looks like in argumentative writing, and examiners reading for evaluation notice the difference between a case stated and a case set up to be knocked down.

  4. 04State the case against, equally strongly

    海が見えなくなること、費用が大きいこと、そして高い堤防があることで危険を忘れやすくなることを心配する声も出された. Three objections, each nominalised with こと and coordinated, which is an efficient structure worth copying. ~ことで marks the third one's mechanism. 声が出される is a set phrase for concerns being voiced. The third objection is the interesting one and is a real argument in Japanese disaster-prevention discussion, so it is worth including rather than only the obvious two.

  5. 05Conclude on the criterion, not on the wall

    どちらの立場にも根拠があり、判断は、何をどれだけ守ろうとするのかによって変わるだろう. ~にも根拠がある concedes to both sides; 何をどれだけ守ろうとするのか is an embedded question using the volitional plus とする from Appendix 2 — what one is trying to protect, and how much of it. によって変わる says the answer depends on that. You have taken a position — that the question is one of competing goods — without pretending to adjudicate an engineering and planning dispute you are not equipped to settle.

  6. 06Run the Theme 4 checks

    No number: none used, and 高く and 大きい carry the magnitudes. No fabricated testimony: 声も出された reports that concerns were voiced, without inventing a speaker. Both positions attributed: という意見がある and 心配する声も出された. Contested matter named as contested: 賛否があった in the second sentence. Register: 造り直された, あった, 出された, 変わるだろう — plain throughout, five different predicates.

Result: 震災の後、多くの被災地では、津波に備えて防潮堤がより高く造り直された。しかし、この計画には地元からも賛否があった。安全を最優先すべきだという意見がある一方で、海が見えなくなること、費用が大きいこと、そして高い堤防があることで危険を忘れやすくなることを心配する声も出された。どちらの立場にも根拠があり、判断は、何をどれだけ守ろうとするのかによって変わるだろう。

Exam focus

  • Distinguish 復興 from 復旧 — reconstruction from restoration. Policy documents do (AO4).
  • Anchor with the 2011 framework law and the 2012 復興庁, an agency created with a fixed term (AO4).
  • Name the trade-off inside each physical measure: 高台移転, 防潮堤, 区画整理 (AO4).
  • Make the criterion of recovery the question — infrastructure, population or economy give different answers (AO4).

Typical mistakes

  • Using 復興 and 復旧 interchangeably. The second means putting back what was there; the first does not.
  • Describing sea walls as straightforwardly protective. In several communities they were locally contested and the reasons are documented.
  • Answering whether recovery succeeded without naming a criterion. Different criteria give opposite answers.
  • Reporting 復興五輪 as a neutral description. It was a government framing and it was publicly disputed.

Active revision

被災地の立て直しについて二百字で書きなさい。物理的な対策を二つ挙げ、それぞれについて利点と代償の両方を示すこと。そのうえで、「復興が進んだかどうか」を判断する基準を三つ挙げ、基準によって答えが変わることを日本語で説明しなさい。数字は使わないこと

Active recall

Recall the key points — then reveal.

Sources: Pearson Edexcel Level 3 Advanced GCE in Japanese (9JA0) specification (Pearson Edexcel)

§ 02

ボランティアや国民の団結 and 困難を乗り切る力#

●●○StandardLPPearson Edexcel 9JA0 テーマ4 復興への政策 — ボランティアや国民の団結LPPearson Edexcel 9JA0 テーマ4 復興への政策 — 困難を乗り切る力LPDfE GCE AS and A level subject content for modern foreign languages

Key points

These two aspects are separate and are best kept separate. 団結[だんけつ] is solidarity — people acting together — and its evidence is behavioural: volunteering, donations, mutual assistance among neighbours, the running of shelters by the people living in them. 困難を乗り切る力 is the capacity to get through hardship, what English discussion often calls resilience and Japanese renders both as レジリエンス and as 回復力[かいふくりょく] or 復元力[ふくげんりょく]. The two are related but not identical, and the difference matters: solidarity is something a society does, resilience is a capacity attributed to people or systems, and attributing a capacity to a whole population is a claim that needs care.
Japanese disaster policy has a triad that gives this material analytical structure and that candidates almost never use: 自助[じじょ], 共助[きょうじょ] and 公助[こうじょ] — self-help, mutual help among neighbours and community, and public help from the state. It appears throughout Japanese 防災 discussion, it maps neatly onto the specification's aspects, and it is argued about, because how much weight a policy places on 自助 and 共助 as against 公助 is a political choice with distributional consequences. Deploying it turns a general paragraph into a specific one: 防災政策では自助・共助・公助という三つの枠組みが使われるが、そのうちどこに重点を置くかは政治的な判断である.
A second policy shift belongs here and is genuinely interesting. Japanese disaster language after 2011 moved perceptibly from 防災[ぼうさい], preventing disaster, towards 減災[げんさい], reducing the harm a disaster does — a shift that concedes that some events cannot be prevented and that planning should therefore concentrate on evacuation, preparation and reducing exposure. Alongside it sits the practice of 語り継ぐ[かたりつぐ], passing on the memory by telling, and the associated argument about 震災遺構[しんさいいこう], the preservation of damaged structures as memorials, which several communities debated at length and decided differently — some preserving, some demolishing, for reasons that were about living with the memory as much as about cost.
One caution on tone, because this is the aspect that most tempts a candidate into cliché. Descriptions of Japanese people as uniquely patient, orderly or stoic circulated widely in international coverage after 2011, and they have been criticised in Japan as a national stereotype that flattens very different individual experiences and can shade into an expectation that people endure quietly rather than demand support. Do not build an essay on that characterisation. If you want to discuss it, discuss it as a discourse: 海外の報道では日本人の忍耐強さが強調されたが、そうした一般化には批判もある. That sentence is analytical; the characterisation itself is not.
Worked example

One grammar decision, walked through: the ladder of obligation and necessity

Policy writing needs to say that something must, should, needs to, is required to or cannot but be done — and Japanese distinguishes these more sharply than English. Write six sentences about disaster policy, one for each rung, and say who is committed by each.

  1. 01なければならない: an obligation that comes from a rule or a circumstance

    避難計画は毎年見直さなければならない. Appendix 2 lists ない-form plus なければならない and its variant なければいけない. The obligation is presented as external — a regulation, a practical necessity — rather than as the writer's opinion. なくてはならない is a common alternative and ないといけない is its colloquial cousin; in written work stay with なければならない. The negative counterpart is ~てはならない, must not, which is equally formal.

  2. 02べきだ: an obligation the writer is asserting

    安全を最優先すべきだ. べきだ attaches to the plain non-past — with する giving both すべき and するべき, the first more formal — and it carries the writer's own judgement about what ought to be done. That is why the previous section put it inside という意見がある: an unattributed べきだ makes the claim yours. Use it deliberately when you are taking a position, and never as a neutral description of policy.

  3. 03必要がある: a need, stated impersonally

    長期的な支援を続ける必要がある. 必要がある is the least loaded rung: there is a need to. It attributes the necessity to the situation rather than to a rule or to the writer, which makes it the workhorse of analytical prose. Its negative, 必要はない, is correspondingly useful — 制度をすべて作り直す必要はない says the wholesale change is unnecessary without saying it would be wrong.

  4. 04ことが求められる: an expectation placed on a named party

    自治体には、住民に情報を伝えることが求められている. This is the institutional register from the earlier translation practice: somebody is being asked or required, with に marking who. It is more precise than なければならない when you want to name the party bearing the expectation and to leave open who is doing the expecting. ことになっている, from Appendix 2, is the neighbouring form and says instead that it has been arranged that — a settled rule rather than an expectation.

  5. 05ざるを得ない: compelled by circumstances, with no good alternative

    予算が限られているため、優先順位をつけざるを得ない. This is the rung that says the actor had no acceptable choice, and it carries a note of regret or constraint that none of the others does. It attaches to the ない-stem — つける gives つけざる, する gives せざる — and it is a strong range signal in an essay. Do not use it where a simple necessity is meant; it asserts that alternatives were foreclosed, which is a claim.

  6. 06The decision procedure, and one check

    Is the obligation external and rule-like? なければならない. Is it your own judgement? べきだ. Is it a need arising from the situation? 必要がある. Is it an expectation on a named party? ことが求められる. Was the actor left with no acceptable alternative? ざるを得ない. Then run the check: for every べきだ in your essay, ask whether you meant to assert it yourself. If you did not, wrap it — という意見がある, と主張する人もいる — because an unattributed べきだ in a topic like this one turns an analysis into an editorial.

Result: 避難計画は毎年見直さなければならない。/安全を最優先すべきだ。/長期的な支援を続ける必要がある。/自治体には、住民に情報を伝えることが求められている。/予算が限られているため、優先順位をつけざるを得ない。/制度をすべて作り直す必要はない。 The ladder: なければならない for a rule-like obligation, べきだ for the writer's own judgement, 必要がある for an impersonal need, ことが求められる for an expectation on a named party, ざるを得ない for compulsion with no acceptable alternative — and 必要はない as the useful negative that denies necessity without denying value.

Exam focus

  • Keep 団結 and 困難を乗り切る力 as separate aspects with different kinds of evidence (AO4).
  • Use 自助・共助・公助 as a framework, and note that the weighting between them is a political choice (AO4).
  • Know the 防災 to 減災 shift; it is a real change in policy language with real content (AO4).
  • Treat national-character generalisations as a discourse to analyse, never as an explanation to use (AO4).

Typical mistakes

  • Explaining the response by Japanese national character. It is a stereotype, it is criticised in Japan, and it explains nothing.
  • Merging solidarity with resilience. One is collective behaviour, the other an attributed capacity.
  • Ignoring 自助・共助・公助. It is the framework Japanese policy actually uses and it makes an answer specific.
  • Treating 震災遺構 as an obvious good. Communities decided differently and their reasons were serious.

Active revision

「自助・共助・公助」の三つを日本語で説明し、それぞれの例を一つずつ挙げなさい。そのうえで、政策がどこに重点を置くべきかについて、二つの異なる立場を一文ずつ書きなさい。最後に、「日本人は忍耐強い」という一般化について、それを説明として使わずに、言説として分析する一文を書きなさい

Active recall

Recall the key points — then reveal.

Sources: Pearson Edexcel Level 3 Advanced GCE in Japanese (9JA0) specification (Pearson Edexcel)

§ 03

心のケア: the aspect that proves the harm continued#

●●●AdvancedLPPearson Edexcel 9JA0 テーマ4 復興への政策 — 心のケアLPPearson Edexcel 9JA0 Paper 1 Section A — translation into EnglishLPDfE GCE AS and A level subject content for modern foreign languages

Key points

心のケア[こころのケア] is named as an aspect of RECONSTRUCTION POLICY, not of the immediate aftermath, and that placement is itself the argument. A government does not put psychological support into a reconstruction programme unless it expects the harm to outlast the rebuilding, and the existence of the aspect is therefore evidence that it was expected to. The vocabulary is available and precise: 心的外傷後[しんてきがいしょうご]ストレス障害 is the Japanese for post-traumatic stress disorder, usually shortened in ordinary writing to the initialism; 心のケア is the general term for psychological support; 相談[そうだん] is consultation; 支援の長期化[ちょうきか] is the prolongation of support; 見守り, from the ageing topic, reappears here.
The institutional response is nameable. Prefectures in the affected region established mental-health support centres, usually called こころのケアセンター, to coordinate longer-term support; school counsellors were deployed to affected schools; and support has continued for many years, which is itself the documented fact worth citing. There is also a documented complication: uptake of psychological support is affected by reluctance to seek it, by the difficulty of sustaining services as public attention moves on, and by the fact that people who moved away from the affected region moved away from the services set up there. Each of those is a structural point rather than a claim about any individual, which is exactly what makes them safe and useful.
The fabrication rule applies with full force. Do not invent a survivor, a counsellor, a child, a conversation or a symptom. Do not write in the first person. Do not describe what a named or unnamed individual felt, because you do not know and because presenting it as though you did is fabricated testimony about real events. If an illustration is needed, mark it as constructed with 例えば、次のような場合を考えてみよう, exactly as the companion topic's worked example does, and keep it structural — about arrangements and their consequences rather than about interior experience. The strongest writing in this aspect is institutional: what was set up, for how long, and what is documented about who reached it.
The analytical opportunity is the mismatch of timescales, and it makes an excellent essay paragraph. Physical reconstruction has a schedule, a budget and a completion date; psychological support does not resolve on a schedule, and the need may peak long after the buildings are finished, when temporary arrangements end, when compensation processes conclude, or when a community that had a shared task no longer has one. Attention, funding and staffing tend to follow the visible timetable rather than the invisible one. That is a documented tension in Japanese discussion and it can be stated without a single number: 建物の復旧には期限があるが、心のケアの必要は期限とともに終わるわけではない.
Worked example

Paper 1 Section A worked sentence by sentence: a passage on long-term support

Translate this passage into English. 被災地では、震災から十年以上たった今も、心のケアを続けている団体がある。担当者によれば、支援を必要とする人の数は減ったものの、相談の内容はより複雑になっているという。一方、支援を続けるための資金や人手は年々確保しにくくなっていると指摘されている。

  1. 01Read to the ends first, and note the two attributions

    ある, という, 指摘されている. Two of the three sentences end in an attribution marker — という for reported speech and 指摘されている for a reported observation — which tells you before you translate anything that this is a text reporting other people's statements rather than asserting its own findings. That is worth noticing because your English must preserve the attributions. Readings: 団体[だんたい], 担当者[たんとうしゃ], 複雑[ふくざつ], 資金[しきん], 人手[ひとで], 確保[かくほ].

  2. 02Sentence 1: たった今も, and a relative clause before the verb of existence

    震災から十年以上たった今も、心のケアを続けている団体がある. 十年以上たった今も is even now, more than ten years after — 経つ, here written たつ, is the verb for time elapsing, and 今も carries the even now. 心のケアを続けている団体 is a relative clause modifying 団体: organisations that are continuing to provide psychological support. がある is the plain existential. English: In the affected region, there are organisations still providing psychological support even now, more than ten years after the disaster.

  3. 03Sentence 2, first half: によれば and ものの

    担当者によれば、支援を必要とする人の数は減ったものの. ~によれば is according to and must be rendered as such; dropping it turns a reported claim into a fact. 支援を必要とする人 is a relative clause: people who need support. ものの is a concessive meaning although, more written than けれども and slightly more formal than が. English so far: according to the staff, although the number of people needing support has fallen.

  4. 04Sentence 2, second half: より for comparison, and the closing という

    相談の内容はより複雑になっているという. より before an adjective is the comparative more, with the comparison left implicit — more complex than before. ~になっている is the change-of-state plus ている, so has become and remains so. The sentence-final という closes the reported speech opened by によれば, and English handles it by keeping the according to at the front rather than by adding a second marker. English: the content of consultations has become more complex.

  5. 05Sentence 3: ~にくくなる, 年々, and an agentless attribution

    支援を続けるための資金や人手は年々確保しにくくなっていると指摘されている. ~ための is for the purpose of, modifying 資金や人手. 年々[ねんねん] is year by year. 確保しにくくなっている combines the ます-stem plus にくい from Appendix 2 — hard to do — with なる and ている: has become progressively harder to secure. ~と指摘されている is it has been pointed out that, with no one named, which English renders as it has been pointed out or observers have noted.

  6. 06Read the English back and check the attributions survived

    In the affected region, there are organisations still providing psychological support even now, more than ten years after the disaster. According to their staff, although the number of people needing support has fallen, the content of consultations has become more complex. At the same time, it has been pointed out that the funding and staff needed to continue this support have become harder to secure year by year. Check: によれば survived as according to, という did not become a second marker, and 指摘されている survived as it has been pointed out. Losing any of the three would turn a careful report into a set of assertions — the exact error this whole theme warns against.

Result: In the affected region, there are organisations still providing psychological support even now, more than ten years after the disaster. According to their staff, although the number of people needing support has fallen, the content of consultations has become more complex. At the same time, it has been pointed out that the funding and staff needed to continue this support have become harder to secure year by year.

Exam focus

  • Note that 心のケア is an aspect of reconstruction POLICY — its placement is evidence about expected duration (AO4).
  • Name the institutional response: prefectural こころのケアセンター, school counsellors, long-running support (AO4).
  • Never invent a person or an experience. Keep the writing structural and institutional (AO4).
  • Build the argument on the mismatch of timescales between physical and psychological recovery (AO4).

Typical mistakes

  • Writing an imagined survivor's inner experience. It is fabricated testimony and it is the one thing this topic forbids absolutely.
  • Treating psychological support as a short-term measure. It is placed in reconstruction policy precisely because it is not.
  • Attaching a prevalence figure to any condition. No such figure is verifiable here and none is needed.
  • Ignoring the structural barriers — reluctance, service continuity, relocation — which are the analytically useful material.

Active revision

心のケアについて百五十字で書きなさい。個人の経験を描写せず、制度と期間の観点からのみ論じること。「支援の長期化」「相談」「見守り」のうち二つ以上を使い、物理的な復旧と心のケアの時間の違いを論点にしなさい

Active recall

Recall the key points — then reveal.

Sources: Pearson Edexcel Level 3 Advanced GCE in Japanese (9JA0) specification (Pearson Edexcel)

§ 04

福島原発事故後の省エネ生活: daily saving, and older wisdom about using less#

●●○StandardLPPearson Edexcel 9JA0 テーマ4 自由研究の課題 — 福島原発事故後の省エネ生活: 日常生活の中の省エネ/省エネに関する昔の知恵LPPearson Edexcel 9JA0 Paper 2 Section A — translation into JapaneseLPDfE GCE AS and A level subject content for modern foreign languages

Key points

福島原発事故後の省エネ生活 is Theme 4's 自由研究の課題 and one of the four research subjects available for Paper 1 Section C. Its three aspects are 日常生活の中の省エネ, energy saving in daily life; エネルギー供給をめぐる議論, the argument about energy supply; and 省エネに関する昔の知恵, older wisdom about using less. All three must be covered. This section takes the first and the third; the next section takes the argument, which is treated at length because it is a live disagreement and not a settled question. 省エネ[しょうエネ] is the standard abbreviation of 省エネルギー, and 節電[せつでん] is specifically saving electricity.
The daily-life aspect has firm documented anchors from 2011 itself. In the immediate aftermath, electricity supply in parts of eastern Japan was constrained, and 計画停電[けいかくていでん], planned rolling power cuts, were carried out in March 2011 in the affected supply area — an event that made electricity visible to households in a way it had not been. 節電 campaigns followed through that summer, in offices, shops, transport and homes. Related policy long predates the disaster: クールビズ, the summer campaign encouraging lighter office dress so that air conditioning can be set higher, was launched by the Ministry of the Environment in 2005. 省エネ家電, LED照明, 断熱[だんねつ] and 緑のカーテン — climbing plants grown to shade a window — are the everyday vocabulary.
昔の知恵 is the third aspect and it is more than decoration, because traditional Japanese domestic practice contains a body of low-energy climate management that is genuinely interesting as engineering. 打ち水[うちみず] is sprinkling water on the ground to cool the air by evaporation; すだれ and よしず are reed screens hung outside a window, which shade the glass before the heat reaches it rather than after; 風鈴[ふうりん], the wind chime, works on expectation rather than physics and its inclusion in any list should be marked as such; and traditional house features such as 縁側[えんがわ], the veranda, and deep eaves manage summer sun and winter light differently. The honest framing acknowledges what is measured and what is claimed: 打ち水やすだれには一定の効果があるとされているが、その効果の大きさは条件によって異なる.
The analytical move that lifts this aspect above a list is to ask what 省エネ was for, and to notice that the answer changed. In 2011 it was immediate and physical: there was not enough electricity and demand had to fall. Later it was framed in terms of cost, of energy security, and of climate policy, which are three different justifications that happen to recommend similar behaviour. That matters because behaviour sustained by an emergency does not necessarily persist once the emergency ends, and whether the 2011 habits persisted is a genuine question a research answer can raise: 二〇一一年の節電は緊急の必要から始まったが、その習慣がどこまで続いたのかについては、評価が分かれている.
Worked example

Paper 2 Section A: an English passage on energy saving, translated decision by decision

Translate into Japanese. After the accident, households in eastern Japan were asked to reduce their use of electricity, and planned power cuts were carried out for a time. Since then, many people have continued to use less, although it is not clear how far the habit has lasted. Older methods, such as hanging reed screens, are also attracting attention again.

  1. 01Sentence 1, first half: were asked to is 求められた, and 東日本 is the region word

    事故の後、東日本の家庭では電力の使用を減らすことが求められた. 求められる is the institutional passive from the obligation ladder — were asked or required — and it correctly leaves open who did the asking, since utilities and government both did. 電力[でんりょく] is electric power as a supply, more precise here than 電気; 使用を減らす is to reduce usage; ことが nominalises the whole clause as the subject of 求められた. 家庭では uses では because households are the framed party.

  2. 02Sentence 1, second half: were carried out is 実施される, and for a time is 一時期

    また、一時期は計画停電も実施された. 実施する is the verb for carrying out a measure or a policy, and 実施された is its passive — the standard register for an administrative action. 一時期[いちじき] is for a period, which renders for a time better than しばらく, a more conversational choice. 計画停電 is the established term and should be used rather than described. も carries the also that links this clause to the previous request.

  3. 03Sentence 2, first half: have continued to is 続けている, and use less needs an object

    それ以来、電気の使用を控え続けている人も多い. 控える[ひかえる] is to hold back or moderate, a more precise verb than 減らす for continuing restraint, and 控え続ける chains it with 続ける on the ます-stem. それ以来 is since then. 人も多い is many people, with も again linking. Note the shift from 電力 to 電気: the first was the supply, the second is what a household uses, and Japanese makes that distinction more readily than English does.

  4. 04Sentence 2, second half: it is not clear how far is an embedded question

    ただし、その習慣がどこまで続いているのかは明らかではない. どこまで続いているのか is an embedded question — how far it has continued — packaged with のか and then made the subject with は. 明らかではない is the written-register form of is not clear. ただし concedes the qualification without reversing the sentence before it. Compare かどうか, which would be whether at all rather than how far; the English says how far, so どこまで is required.

  5. 05Sentence 3: such as is ~といった or ~などの, and attracting attention is 注目される

    すだれを掛けるといった昔からの工夫も、再び注目されている. ~といった after a clause or noun means such as and introduces an example, slightly more formal than など. 掛ける is the correct verb for hanging a screen. 昔からの工夫 is devices or contrivances from long ago — 工夫[くふう] is a very useful noun here and better than 方法. 注目される is the passive of 注目する, to pay attention: are being paid attention to, which English renders as are attracting attention. 再び is again in written register.

  6. 06Check the register, the technical words and the honesty

    Technical words: 電力 for supply, 電気 for household use, 計画停電 as the real term, すだれ as the real object, 工夫 rather than a vague 方法. Register: 求められた, 実施された, 多い, ない, 注目されている — plain throughout, three passives, which suits a passage about measures. Honesty: the English hedged with it is not clear, and the Japanese hedged with 明らかではない; nothing was made more certain or less certain in translation, which is the translator's whole obligation.

Result: 事故の後、東日本の家庭では電力の使用を減らすことが求められた。また、一時期は計画停電も実施された。それ以来、電気の使用を控え続けている人も多い。ただし、その習慣がどこまで続いているのかは明らかではない。すだれを掛けるといった昔からの工夫も、再び注目されている。 The scoring decisions: 求められた as an institutional passive, ことが nominalisation, 実施される for carrying out a measure, the real term 計画停電, 控える plus 続ける, the embedded question どこまで…のか, ~といった for such as, and 注目されている for attracting attention.

Exam focus

  • Anchor with 計画停電 in March 2011 and the 節電 campaigns that followed (AO4).
  • Know that クールビズ dates from 2005 and therefore predates the disaster (AO4).
  • Describe traditional practices accurately, and mark which effects are measured and which are claimed (AO4).
  • Ask what 省エネ was for, and note that the justification changed over time (AO4).

Typical mistakes

  • Presenting クールビズ as a response to the disaster. It began in 2005 and was intensified afterwards.
  • Listing traditional practices as though their effects were all equally established. Say which are measured.
  • Treating 省エネ and 節電 as synonyms. The second is specifically about electricity.
  • Assuming the 2011 habits persisted. Whether they did is a real question and evaluations differ.

Active revision

「日常生活の中の省エネ」と「省エネに関する昔の知恵」について、それぞれ日本語で百字書きなさい。二〇一一年の具体的な出来事を一つ、昔からの工夫を三つ挙げること。効果について述べるときは、「一定の効果があるとされている」「条件によって異なる」を使い、断定しないこと

Active recall

Recall the key points — then reveal.

Sources: Pearson Edexcel Level 3 Advanced GCE in Japanese (9JA0) specification (Pearson Edexcel)

§ 05

エネルギー供給をめぐる議論: a genuine, unresolved disagreement#

●●●AdvancedLPPearson Edexcel 9JA0 テーマ4 自由研究の課題 — エネルギー供給をめぐる議論LPPearson Edexcel 9JA0 Paper 1 Section C — writing (research question)LPDfE GCE AS and A level subject content for modern foreign languages

Two positions, and the ground they share

Two positions, and the ground they shareVenn diagram with 2 sets, Restart, Phase outRestartPhase outSupplysecuritySafety andwasteBoth want lessuse
Fig. 2The energy argument set out as two overlapping cases rather than as a scale with a right answer. The left circle holds what the restart case leads with, the right what the phase-out case leads with, and the overlap holds what both accept — that reducing consumption has value, that supply must be reliable, and that the dispute is about weighing risks under uncertainty. The figure is deliberately symmetrical and deliberately labelled in English: it is not a scoreboard, and it does not adjudicate. A candidate who can draw this from memory can also write the paragraph that locates the disagreement, which is the highest-value sentence available in this research subject.

Key points

This is the middle aspect of Theme 4's research subject and it is treated at length here for one reason: it is a live disagreement between positions held by serious, informed people in Japan, and it is not the place of a language course to settle it. These notes therefore state each case at its strongest, attribute every evaluation, and stop. The documented framework is this. After 2011 Japan's nuclear reactors were progressively taken offline for inspection; a new independent regulator, the 原子力規制委員会[げんしりょくきせいいいんかい], the Nuclear Regulation Authority, was established in 2012 and new safety standards followed; restarts have since proceeded case by case under those standards, and individual restarts have been contested locally and in the courts. The government publishes a periodically revised エネルギー基本計画[きほんけいかく], a basic energy plan.
The case made by those who favour restarting and retaining nuclear generation, stated at its strongest: Japan imports the great majority of its primary energy, which is a security exposure and a cost exposure to prices set elsewhere; replacing nuclear output largely with imported fossil fuel raised both the import bill and emissions; and meeting climate commitments while keeping electricity affordable and the grid stable is, on this view, very difficult without a substantial low-carbon baseload. 資源[しげん]がない, 輸入に頼る, 電力の安定供給, 温室効果ガス[おんしつこうかガス] and コスト are the terms this case is argued in.
The case made by those who favour phasing nuclear generation out, stated at its equal strength: the 2011 accident demonstrated that the consequences of a severe failure are not confined to the plant or to a short period, that evacuation over a wide area is extremely difficult to plan and to execute, and that some communities were displaced for many years; long-term waste disposal remains unresolved; and public trust in the operators and in the regulatory arrangements was damaged in ways that are themselves a legitimate input to a democratic decision. 安全性, 廃棄物[はいきぶつ], 避難計画, 信頼[しんらい] and 再生可能エネルギー are its terms.
The shared ground is real and worth naming, because naming it is the analytical move most candidates miss: both cases accept that reducing consumption has value, both accept that the grid must be reliable, and both are arguing about risk under uncertainty rather than about facts one side is ignoring. So the sentence a research answer should be able to write is one that locates the disagreement precisely: 対立しているのは事実の認識よりも、どのリスクをどれだけ重く見るかという判断である. And the closing discipline is absolute: report the positions, name the criteria each rests on, take a position if the question demands one, and never present either as the settled view of informed people. It is not.
Worked example

Paper 1 Section C: the research question on energy, answered without adjudicating it

Your research subject is 福島原発事故後の省エネ生活. The unseen text describes a town that installed solar panels on public buildings and ran a household energy-saving campaign, and reports that consumption fell and then partly rose again. The statement is: 事故のあと、日本の人々の生活は本当に変わったと言えるか。Plan and write the answer's argumentative spine.

  1. 01Read the statement for its verb, not its topic

    本当に変わったと言えるか — can it really be said to have changed. The load is on 言えるか, which asks about warrant: not did behaviour change, but is the evidence sufficient to say so. That is a question about criteria and evidence, which is good news, because it is answerable from a research subject rather than from statistics you do not have. Section C is 40 marks in a recommended 1 hour 25 minutes at 600 to 700 characters, and identifying the verb takes ninety seconds and shapes everything after it.

  2. 02Plan all three aspects onto paragraphs before writing

    Paragraph one: 日常生活の中の省エネ — what changed in 2011, with 計画停電 and 節電 as the anchors. Paragraph two: the unseen text, whose fell-then-partly-rose shape is the evidential heart of the answer. Paragraph three: エネルギー供給をめぐる議論 — the argument continues, which is itself evidence that nothing was settled. Paragraph four: 省エネに関する昔の知恵 — the practices that were revived, and what their revival does and does not show. Paragraph five: the conclusion, which must answer 言えるか.

  3. 03Open by separating two changes the statement runs together

    「生活が変わった」と言うとき、二つの異なる変化を区別する必要がある。一つは、電力が足りないという事態に対応した一時的な変化であり、もう一つは、その後も続いた習慣の変化である。 This is the move that makes the whole essay work: the statement asks about change, and there are two kinds. Naming them in paragraph one means every later paragraph has somewhere to attach, and it demonstrates the analytical control the AO4 grid describes as sustaining a line of argument.

  4. 04Make the unseen text carry the evidential weight

    本文が示している変化は、この区別をよく表している。使用量がいったん減り、その後一部は戻ったという事実は、緊急時の対応と定着した習慣とが同じものではないことを示している。 The AO2 grid out of 10 asks that the text contribute to your argument, and here it supplies exactly the shape your distinction predicted. Note いったん…その後 for once and then, and ~とが同じものではない for the two are not the same thing. The text is being used as evidence for a claim, not summarised.

  5. 05Use the continuing argument as evidence, not as a digression

    また、エネルギー供給のあり方をめぐる議論が今も続いていること自体が、社会全体としての方向がまだ定まっていないことを示していると言えるだろう。 This turns aspect two into evidence for your thesis rather than an obligatory paragraph. ~こと自体が, the very fact that, is a strong analytical frame. あり方 is the way something should be, a compact noun much used in Japanese policy writing. And the whole is hedged with と言えるだろう, because it is an inference.

  6. 06Conclude by answering 言えるか, and no more

    以上のことから、生活が「変わった」と一言で言うことは難しい。緊急時の行動が変わったことは確かであり、昔からの工夫が見直されたことも事実である。しかし、それが定着した変化かどうかは、なお判断がつかないと考えられる。 The conclusion answers the question that was asked — whether it can be said — rather than the question about whether life changed. It concedes what is established, refuses what is not, and hedges to exactly the strength the evidence supports. Then check: three aspects covered, text used, no number invented, no energy position endorsed, one register throughout, 600 to 700 characters.

Result: The argumentative spine: 「生活が変わった」と言うとき、二つの異なる変化を区別する必要がある。一つは、電力が足りないという事態に対応した一時的な変化であり、もう一つは、その後も続いた習慣の変化である。…本文が示している変化は、この区別をよく表している。…エネルギー供給のあり方をめぐる議論が今も続いていること自体が、社会全体としての方向がまだ定まっていないことを示している。…以上のことから、生活が「変わった」と一言で言うことは難しい。しかし、それが定着した変化かどうかは、なお判断がつかないと考えられる。 Note what the answer never does: it takes no position on nuclear power, because the question did not ask for one and because the research subject's job is to describe the argument accurately.

Exam focus

  • State both cases at their strongest before evaluating either. A weak version of the other side is visible to an examiner (AO4).
  • Anchor with documented institutions: the 2012 regulator, the new standards, case-by-case restarts (AO4).
  • Name the shared ground — reducing consumption, grid reliability, risk under uncertainty (AO4).
  • Locate the disagreement in the weighting of risks, not in the facts (AO4).

Typical mistakes

  • Presenting one position as obviously correct. Both are held by informed people and the question is open.
  • Arguing from an invented figure for import dependence, cost or emissions. Direction and mechanism are defensible.
  • Treating the regulator's establishment as settling the safety question. It changed who decides, not what people conclude.
  • Omitting the shared ground. The strongest answers locate the disagreement precisely, and that requires knowing what is not disputed.

Active revision

エネルギー供給をめぐる議論について、二つの立場をそれぞれ百五十字で、どちらも最も強い形で書きなさい。次に、両者が一致している点を三つ挙げなさい。最後に、自分の立場を百字で述べ、その根拠となる基準を明示しなさい。数字は使わず、評価には必ず出どころを示す表現を用いること

Active recall

Recall the key points — then reveal.

Sources: Pearson Edexcel Level 3 Advanced GCE in Japanese (9JA0) specification (Pearson Edexcel)

Contents

Section -- / 05

    • 01被災地の立て直し: reconstruction policy and what it costs●
    • 02ボランティアや国民の団結 and 困難を乗り切る力◐
    • 03心のケア: the aspect that proves the harm continued●
    • 04福島原発事故後の省エネ生活: daily saving, and older wisdom about using less◐
    • 05エネルギー供給をめぐる議論: a genuine, unresolved disagreement●

0/5 Read

From notes into training

復興への政策 and 省エネ生活 — reconstruction, resilience and the energy argument (テーマ4・2)

Reinforce this topic with matching tasks from the question bank.

~32
min
4
Competencies
Practise

References & sources

Sources

Pearson Edexcel

  • Pearson Edexcel Level 3 Advanced GCE in Japanese (9JA0) specification

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