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Notes/Ancient History/Roman Period Study: The Julio-Claudian Emperors, 31 BC-AD 68
Notes · Ancient HistoryUK · A-Levels

Roman Period Study: The Julio-Claudian Emperors, 31 BC-AD 68

The compulsory Roman Period Study covers the century in which a republic that had destroyed itself in civil war was replaced by the rule of one man - and in which that rule became hereditary within a single family. This chapter follows the sequence from Actium and the Augustan settlements, through the reigns of Tiberius, Gaius, Claudius and Nero, to the revolt of AD 68, examining the powers and presentation of the princeps, the recurring problem of succession, relations with Senate, army and provinces, and the hostile senatorial tradition through which almost all of it reaches us.

6 sections·~33 min reading time·3 competencies·Level Foundation 1 · Standard 3 · Advanced 2

T·0666 / 9
Exam profile
AO1 · Demonstrate knowledge and understanding of the Julio-Claudian principate, 31 BC-AD 68AO2 · Analyse and evaluate the development of the principate and the reigns of individual emperorsAO3 · Use and evaluate Tacitus, Suetonius, Cassius Dio and material evidence within their historical context
Operators:assesshow farto what extentexplainanalyseevaluateaccount for

basic level

AS-Level expects secure knowledge of the Augustan settlement and the main features of each reign, with straightforward comment on the ancient authors.

higher level

The full A-Level expects analysis of the principate as an evolving system - powers, image, succession, army and Senate - and sustained evaluation of a source tradition written by and for the senatorial class.

Depth

Reading depth: In depth

Text

Text size: Standard

Contents · 6 sections▾
  1. Roman Period Study: The Julio-Claudian Emperors, 31 BC-AD 68
    • 01From Republic to Principate: Actium and the Augustan settlements○
    • 02Augustus: government, image and the succession problem◐
    • 03Tiberius: the first inheritance◐
    • 04Gaius and Claudius◐
    • 05Nero and the fall of the dynasty●
    • 06The principate, the Senate, the army - and the sources●
§ 01

From Republic to Principate: Actium and the Augustan settlements#

●○○FoundationLPOCR H407 Component 2 Period Study - the establishment of the principateLPDfE GCE Ancient History subject content

The Julio-Claudian century

31 BC to AD 68Timeline from -35 to 72, -31: Actium, -27: First settlement; the name Augustus, -23: Second settlement: tribunician power for life, 9: Varus loses three legions in Germany, 14: Death of Augustus; accession of Tiberius, 31: Fall of Sejanus, 37: Accession of Gaius (Caligula), 41: Gaius assassinated; Claudius made emperor, 43: Invasion of Britain, 54: Death of Claudius; accession of Nero, 64: The Great Fire of Rome, 68: Revolt and death of Nero, -27–14: Augustus, 14–37: Tiberius, 41–54: Claudius, 54–68: Nero−3572CEAugustusTiberiusClaudiusNero−31Actium−27Firstsettlement; the…−23Secondsettlement: tri…9Varus losesthree legions i…14Death ofAugustus; acces…31Fall of Sejanus37Accession ofGaius (Caligula)41Gaiusassassinated; C…43Invasion ofBritain54Death ofClaudius; acces…64The Great Fireof Rome68Revolt and deathof Nero
Fig. 1Five rulers in a century: one long reign that created the system, and four that tested whether it could be inherited.

Key points

The victory at Actium in 31 BC, followed by the deaths of Antony and Cleopatra and the annexation of Egypt in 30, left Octavian in sole control of the Roman world. His position rested on an army of unprecedented size, on the wealth of Egypt which became in effect his personal preserve, and on the exhaustion of a society that had endured twenty years of civil war. The problem he faced was not how to hold power but how to hold it in a form Romans could accept: Julius Caesar's dictatorship had ended in assassination, and the political vocabulary of Rome had no legitimate word for permanent one-man rule.
The settlement of 27 BC was the first answer. Octavian formally transferred the state back to the Senate and people, and received in return a large provincial command covering the provinces where most of the legions were stationed - Spain, Gaul, Syria and, in a special position, Egypt - together with the honorific name Augustus. The arrangement was presented as a restoration of the res publica, and in a sense it was: the traditional magistracies continued, the Senate met, elections were held. But the army was in the hands of one man, and the man who commanded the army decided everything that ultimately mattered.
A further settlement in 23 BC refined the position. Augustus gave up holding the consulship year after year, which had been resented as a monopoly of a magistracy others wanted, and instead took tribunicia potestas, the powers of a tribune of the plebs, for life - which gave him the right to propose and to veto and associated him with the traditional protector of the people - together with an imperium proconsulare maius, a proconsular command outranking that of other governors. The genius of this arrangement was that it separated power from office: Augustus held republican powers without monopolising republican magistracies, and his position could not be attacked as a formal tyranny.
Augustus himself supplied the official account of his own position in the Res Gestae Divi Augusti, the record of his achievements inscribed after his death and preserved most fully in a copy from Ankara. It is a first-rate primary source precisely because it is not neutral: it is the regime's own presentation, listing offices declined, expenditure on the people, buildings restored, provinces pacified and honours received. Its most famous claim is that after 27 BC he excelled everyone in auctoritas - influence or standing - but had no more potestas, formal power, than his colleagues in each magistracy. That sentence is the settlement's whole theory in one line, and it should be evaluated rather than quoted as description.
Assessing what happened in these years means avoiding two opposite errors. The first is to take the restoration language at face value and describe Augustus as a constitutional first citizen. The second is to dismiss the forms as a transparent fraud. The truth is more interesting: the forms mattered, because they made the new order acceptable to a governing class that had to cooperate in running an empire, and because they set the terms in which every later emperor had to present himself. Tacitus, writing a century later, captures the ambiguity when he opens the Annals by observing how Augustus gradually drew to himself the functions of Senate, magistrates and laws, with nobody to oppose him - a judgement, and a hostile one, but not a foolish one.

The Augustan settlement

How the principate was constructedGraph, Command of the provinces where the legions are → The princeps: first citizen in name, sole ruler in effect, Tribunician power for life: propose and veto → The princeps: first citizen in name, sole ruler in effect, Imperium proconsulare maius: outranks other governors → The princeps: first citizen in name, sole ruler in effect, Auctoritas: standing, patronage, wealth → The princeps: first citizen in name, sole ruler in effect, Republican forms preserved: Senate, magistracies, elections → The princeps: first citizen in name, sole ruler in effectCommand of theprovinces wherethe legions areTribunicianpower for life:propose and vetoImperiumproconsularemaius: outranks…Auctoritas:standing,patronage, weal…Republican formspreserved:Senate, magistr…The princeps:first citizen inname, sole rule…makes itacceptable
Fig. 2The settlement separated power from office: republican powers accumulated in one man without monopolising republican magistracies.
Worked example

Evaluating the Res Gestae

How valuable is the Res Gestae Divi Augusti for understanding the nature of the principate?

  1. 01Establish what it is

    A record of achievements composed by Augustus himself and inscribed publicly after his death in AD 14; the fullest surviving copy comes from a temple at Ankara. It is therefore a contemporary, official, first-person statement.

  2. 02Identify the purpose

    It was written to present the reign as the reader should remember it: offices declined rather than seized, money spent on the people and the state, temples restored, peace achieved, honours voted by others. The organising principle is legitimacy through service and consent.

  3. 03Note the silences

    The proscriptions of the triumviral period are passed over in the language of avenging his father's murderers; Antony is not named; the loss of Varus' legions is absent. What is omitted is as informative as what is included.

  4. 04State what it establishes

    It is unrivalled evidence for the regime's own theory of itself - the vocabulary of auctoritas, restoration and consent - and for the specific benefactions and building it wished remembered. Many of its factual claims about buildings and payments can be checked against physical remains.

  5. 05Judge

    Conclude that the Res Gestae is of the highest value as evidence of imperial self-presentation and of verifiable public acts, and of no value as an impartial narrative - which is exactly why it must be read alongside Tacitus rather than instead of him.

Result: An evaluation that locates the document's value in its official character rather than treating its partiality as a defect.

Exam focus

  • Explain the settlements as a separation of power from office, and say why the republican forms were politically necessary.
  • Use the Res Gestae as the regime's own self-presentation - a first-rate source for what Augustus wanted believed.

Typical mistakes

  • Describing Augustus as having 'restored the Republic' without analysing what the phrase concealed.
  • Treating the settlements as a single act in 27 BC and omitting the important revision of 23 BC.

Active revision

Explain in one paragraph why tribunicia potestas suited Augustus better than repeated consulships.

Active recall

Recall the key points — then reveal.

Sources: OCR AS and A Level Ancient History (H007, H407) specification (OCR (Oxford Cambridge and RSA)) · GCE AS and A level subject content for ancient history (Department for Education)

§ 02

Augustus: government, image and the succession problem#

●●○StandardLPOCR H407 Component 2 Period Study - Augustus' government and the successionLPDfE GCE Ancient History subject content

The Augustan succession

Securing a successorGraph, Augustus: powers voted to him personally, not an inheritable office → Marcellus, nephew and son-in-law - died 23 BC, Augustus: powers voted to him personally, not an inheritable office → Agrippa, general and son-in-law - died 12 BC, Augustus: powers voted to him personally, not an inheritable office → Gaius and Lucius Caesar, adopted grandsons - died AD 4 and AD 2, Gaius and Lucius Caesar, adopted grandsons - died AD 4 and AD 2 → Tiberius adopted AD 4, given tribunician power and imperium, Tiberius adopted AD 4, given tribunician power and imperium → The rule for the dynasty: equip the heir with powers in advanceAugustus: powersvoted to himpersonally, not…Marcellus,nephew and son-in-law −died 23…Agrippa, generaland son-in-law -died 12 BCGaius and LuciusCaesar, adoptedgrandsons −died…Tiberius adoptedAD 4, giventribunician pow…The rule for thedynasty: equipthe heir with p…
Fig. 3A succession built by conferring powers in advance - and repeatedly destroyed by death, until only Tiberius remained.

Key points

Augustus governed through a combination of old institutions and new instruments. The Senate continued to meet, to legislate and to supply governors for the older provinces; senators continued to hold the traditional magistracies and to compete for them. Alongside this, Augustus developed an administration answerable to himself: equestrian prefects for Egypt, for the corn supply and for the new praetorian guard stationed in Italy; procurators managing imperial finances; and a permanent professional army with fixed terms of service and a treasury, the aerarium militare, established to pay discharge bonuses so that soldiers looked to the state rather than to a general for their retirement.
The presentation of the regime was as carefully constructed as its powers, and it is unusually well documented. Building transformed Rome - Augustus is reported to have claimed that he found the city of brick and left it of marble - and the new Forum of Augustus, with its temple of Mars the Avenger and its galleries of Roman heroes, made a visual argument about legitimacy and tradition. The Altar of Peace, voted in 13 BC and dedicated in 9, showed the imperial family in procession amid images of fertility and piety. Coinage circulated the same themes across the empire; poets, most famously Virgil and Horace, gave them literary form. The moral legislation on marriage and adultery, and the Secular Games of 17 BC, presented the regime as the restorer of ancestral religion and family life.
Religion supplied a further language for the new position. Augustus took the office of pontifex maximus in 12 BC on the death of Lepidus, and in 2 BC received the title pater patriae, father of his country. In the provinces, particularly in the east where ruler cult had long precedent, temples were established to Rome and Augustus; in Italy the emperor's genius, his guiding spirit, was honoured. Augustus was not worshipped as a god at Rome in his lifetime, but he was deified by decree after his death - a pattern that made the imperial cult a flexible instrument of loyalty rather than a doctrine.
The succession was the regime's unsolved problem, and it exposed the fiction at its heart. The principate was formally not an office that could be inherited, since Augustus' powers had been voted to him personally; yet the stability of the empire and the interests of everyone attached to the regime required continuity. Augustus therefore worked to build a successor's position by giving a chosen man powers and prominence in advance - marriage into the family, magistracies held early, tribunician power, shared imperium. Death repeatedly frustrated the plan: his nephew and son-in-law Marcellus died in 23 BC; his friend, general and son-in-law Agrippa died in 12 BC; his grandsons Gaius and Lucius Caesar, adopted as his sons, died in AD 4 and AD 2.
Only after these losses did Augustus adopt his stepson Tiberius, in AD 4, and equip him with the powers that made his accession possible. The pattern establishes the rule for the whole dynasty: an emperor secured his succession by giving a chosen kinsman the powers of a colleague, so that on the emperor's death the successor already possessed what he needed. It also explains why the imperial family became the arena of politics, why dynastic marriage mattered so much, and why the deaths of prospective heirs generated the poisoning rumours that fill our sources. The last years of the reign also brought the disaster in Germany in AD 9, when Varus lost three legions - a defeat that fixed the empire's northern frontier and, in Suetonius' account, left Augustus deeply shaken.

The instruments of the regime

How Augustus ruledProbability tree, 5 paths, Data: Administration → Equestrian prefects and procurators answerable to the princeps; Army → Fixed terms; the military treasury; the praetorian guard in Italy; Building and art → The Forum of Augustus; the Altar of Peace; coinage; Religion → Pontifex maximus 12 BC; provincial cult; deification after death; Moral programme → Marriage legislation; the Secular Games of 17 BCAdministrationArmyBuilding and artReligionMoral programmeThe Augustan regimeEquestrian prefects and procurators ans…Fixed terms; the military treasury; the…The Forum of Augustus; the Altar of Pea…Pontifex maximus 12 BC; provincial cult…Marriage legislation; the Secular Games…
Fig. 4Government and image were a single project: the same regime that professionalised the army also rebuilt the city and reformed the calendar of festivals.
Worked example

Reading a monument as political argument

What does the Altar of Peace tell a historian about the Augustan regime?

  1. 01Describe the object

    A marble altar enclosed by sculptured walls, voted by the Senate in 13 BC on Augustus' return from the provinces and dedicated in 9 BC, carrying processional reliefs of the imperial family, priests and magistrates, together with panels of mythological and allegorical subjects.

  2. 02Read the imagery

    The procession presents the ruling family as participants in traditional public religion rather than as a court; the presence of children in the procession connects the regime to the future and to the marriage legislation; the fertility and peace imagery associates Augustus' rule with the prosperity of Italy.

  3. 03Note the framing

    The altar was voted by the Senate, which allowed the honour to be presented as offered rather than taken - the same device the Res Gestae uses throughout. Form and message are consistent.

  4. 04State its evidential value

    It is contemporary, official and physically preserved, so it documents precisely what the regime chose to display at a specific date. It cannot show how Romans received the message, and it should not be treated as evidence that peace and piety prevailed.

  5. 05Integrate

    Set it beside the Res Gestae, which claims the same virtues in words, and beside Tacitus, who a century later reads the whole programme as the dressing of autocracy - three kinds of evidence about one regime, each answering a different question.

Result: A reading that treats the monument as datable, official evidence of ideology and integrates it with the textual sources rather than illustrating them.

Exam focus

  • Explain the succession problem as structural - the powers were personal, so continuity had to be manufactured - not merely as bad luck.
  • Use monuments and coinage as evidence for the regime's self-presentation alongside the literary sources.

Typical mistakes

  • Saying Augustus was worshipped as a god at Rome in his lifetime; the cult in Italy honoured his genius, and deification came after death.
  • Treating the deaths of Marcellus, Agrippa and the young Caesars as evidence of dynastic murder rather than reporting the rumours as rumours.

Active revision

How successfully did Augustus solve the problem of the succession? Note the strongest evidence on each side.

Active recall

Recall the key points — then reveal.

Sources: OCR AS and A Level Ancient History (H007, H407) specification (OCR (Oxford Cambridge and RSA))

§ 03

Tiberius: the first inheritance#

●●○StandardLPOCR H407 Component 2 Period Study - the reign of TiberiusLPDfE GCE Ancient History subject content

The reign of Tiberius

Tiberius, AD 14-37Graph, Accession AD 14 with powers already held → Careful finances, cautious frontiers, long-serving governors, Accession AD 14 with powers already held → Elections transferred to the Senate, Accession AD 14 with powers already held → Sejanus: praetorian prefect, the guard concentrated at Rome, Sejanus: praetorian prefect, the guard concentrated at Rome → Maiestas trials and the rise of informers, Withdrawal to Capri from AD 26 → Sejanus: praetorian prefect, the guard concentrated at Rome, Sejanus: praetorian prefect, the guard concentrated at Rome → Fall of Sejanus, AD 31, and the executions that followed, Fall of Sejanus, AD 31, and the executions that followed → Maiestas trials and the rise of informersAccession AD 14with powersalready heldCarefulfinances,cautious fronti…Electionstransferred tothe SenateSejanus:praetorianprefect, the gu…Maiestas trialsand the rise ofinformersWithdrawal toCapri from AD 26Fall of Sejanus,AD 31, and theexecutions that…power inabsence
Fig. 5Two strands run through the reign: a careful administration of the empire, and a deteriorating political relationship with the Senate at Rome.

Key points

Tiberius succeeded in AD 14 possessing everything the position required: tribunician power, imperium, long military experience and adoption into the family. What he did not possess was a script for how to hold it, and his accession was awkward. Tacitus gives an extended account of the session at which Tiberius discussed the burden of empire and the Senate pressed him to accept, presenting the exchange as a charade in which both sides pretended - the Senate pretending it had a choice, Tiberius pretending he was reluctant. The episode is impossible to verify in detail, but the underlying difficulty is real: there was no constitutional procedure for succeeding to a position that formally did not exist.
The reign's administrative record was solid and is often obscured by the political narrative. Tiberius was careful with the treasury, cautious about expansion, attentive to provincial government - our sources report that he kept able governors in post for long periods - and responsive to disasters such as the earthquake in the cities of Asia. He continued the transfer of the elections from the popular assemblies to the Senate begun at his accession, a change that mattered because it made the Senate the arena in which careers were made and therefore made imperial favour decisive within it. Judged as a manager of the empire, Tiberius was competent and conservative.
Two developments poisoned the reign. The first was the rise of Lucius Aelius Sejanus, prefect of the praetorian guard, who concentrated the guard in a single camp at Rome, became the emperor's indispensable agent, and - in the account of our sources - eliminated rivals within the imperial family. The second was the growth of maiestas prosecutions, trials for offences against the majesty of the Roman people that came in practice to cover words and gestures thought disrespectful to the emperor. Delatores, informers rewarded with a share of the condemned man's property, made accusation profitable, and the Senate itself conducted the trials - a fact Tacitus never lets his readers forget, since it made the senators complicit in their own degradation.
From AD 26 Tiberius withdrew from Rome, settling eventually on Capri, and never returned. Sejanus' power reached its height in his absence, until in AD 31 Tiberius destroyed him by letter to the Senate, and a wave of executions followed. The last years are presented by our sources as a period of terror and seclusion, with lurid allegations about the emperor's private conduct on Capri that come principally from Suetonius. These are precisely the kind of material that should be reported as allegation and evaluated: they belong to a genre of biography interested in private vice, they concern a man who had removed himself from observation, and they cannot be tested.
Assessing Tiberius therefore requires separating levels. The administrative record is documented by provincial evidence and by the state of the treasury at his death; the political atmosphere is described almost entirely by writers hostile to the principate and sympathetic to the senators who suffered under it; and the personal allegations rest on the weakest evidence of all. Tacitus' portrait, of a man of concealed and gradually revealed cruelty, is powerful literature and shapes every modern account - but it is an interpretation built on a theory of character, and a strong answer will say so while giving Tacitus full credit for the political analysis underlying it.
Worked example

Comparing two sources on one reign

Compare the value of Tacitus and Velleius Paterculus as sources for the reign of Tiberius.

  1. 01Place each writer

    Velleius Paterculus wrote a short history published in Tiberius' reign, having served under him; Tacitus wrote the Annals roughly a century after the accession, as a senator of consular rank under later emperors.

  2. 02Identify the purposes

    Velleius' account is warmly favourable to Tiberius and to Sejanus, whom he praises - written while both were alive and powerful. Tacitus writes to expose how autocracy corrupted the senatorial order, and his Tiberius is a study in dissimulation.

  3. 03State what each is good for

    Velleius is contemporary and shows what could be publicly said in praise of the regime, which makes him valuable evidence of official ideology and of the language of loyalty. Tacitus had access to senatorial records and to earlier histories, and his account of procedure and of the mechanics of the trials is detailed and, where testable, careful.

  4. 04State the limits of each

    Velleius cannot be trusted where praise is expected, and his estimate of Sejanus was overtaken by events within a year or two. Tacitus writes with the outcome known, arranges material for effect, and reports rumour explicitly as rumour but in a way that shapes the reader's judgement.

  5. 05Judge

    Conclude that neither is dispensable: Velleius supplies the contemporary official voice that Tacitus' hostility would otherwise leave invisible, while Tacitus supplies the detailed political narrative - and that the sharpest evidence comes from setting the two against each other.

Result: A comparative judgement that uses each source's partiality as evidence and shows why using both is stronger than choosing between them.

Exam focus

  • Separate Tiberius' administrative record from the political atmosphere at Rome, and use different evidence for each.
  • Treat Suetonius' allegations about Capri as untestable genre material and say why.

Typical mistakes

  • Accepting Tacitus' theory of a concealed character gradually revealed as though it were observation rather than interpretation.
  • Ignoring the reign's provincial and financial record because the literary narrative is dominated by Sejanus and the trials.

Active revision

How far was Tiberius responsible for the deterioration of relations between emperor and Senate? Plan both sides.

Active recall

Recall the key points — then reveal.

Sources: OCR AS and A Level Ancient History (H007, H407) specification (OCR (Oxford Cambridge and RSA)) · GCE AS and A level subject content for ancient history (Department for Education)

§ 04

Gaius and Claudius#

●●○StandardLPOCR H407 Component 2 Period Study - the reigns of Gaius and ClaudiusLPDfE GCE Ancient History subject content

Claudius: government and its critics

The reign of ClaudiusGraph, Proclaimed by the praetorian guard, AD 41 → A need for military prestige and senatorial acceptance, A need for military prestige and senatorial acceptance → Invasion of Britain, AD 43, and a triumph, A need for military prestige and senatorial acceptance → Citizenship extended; Gauls admitted to the Senate, Proclaimed by the praetorian guard, AD 41 → Freedmen secretaries run correspondence, finance and petitions, Freedmen secretaries run correspondence, finance and petitions → Harbour at Ostia; draining of the Fucine Lake, Freedmen secretaries run correspondence, finance and petitions → Senatorial resentment of freedmen and imperial women, Citizenship extended; Gauls admitted to the Senate → Senatorial resentment of freedmen and imperial womenProclaimed bythe praetorianguard, AD 41A need formilitaryprestige and se…Invasion ofBritain, AD 43,and a triumphFreedmensecretaries runcorrespondence,…Harbour atOstia; drainingof the Fucine L…Citizenshipextended; Gaulsadmitted to the…Senatorialresentment offreedmen and im…
Fig. 6An emperor made by the guard needed prestige and administration; the means he used were precisely what the senatorial tradition held against him.

Key points

Gaius, universally known by the nickname Caligula, succeeded in AD 37 as the son of the popular Germanicus, and our sources agree that his accession was greeted with enthusiasm. They also agree that the reign went badly wrong, describing a serious illness early on, arbitrary executions, extravagant spending that emptied the treasury Tiberius had filled, humiliations inflicted on senators, and demands for divine honours. He was assassinated in January AD 41 by officers of the praetorian guard, among them the tribune Cassius Chaerea, and members of his family were killed with him.
The evidence for Gaius is unusually poor, and this must be said in any answer. Tacitus' account of the reign is lost; what survives is Suetonius, writing biography organised by theme and drawn to the sensational; Cassius Dio, writing nearly two centuries later; and Josephus, who gives a detailed narrative of the assassination and of Gaius' conflict with the Jews over the placing of a statue in the Temple at Jerusalem. All are hostile, none is contemporary except Josephus for particular episodes, and the anecdotes that dominate the modern image - the horse, the shells - are exactly the kind of story that cannot be tested. What can be established is that the reign ended in assassination by his own guard, which indicates a genuine political failure.
The accession of Claudius in AD 41 revealed where power actually lay. With Gaius dead, the Senate debated the restoration of the Republic; the praetorian guard found Claudius, Gaius' uncle, in the palace and proclaimed him emperor, and he secured their loyalty with a substantial payment. Our sources present the scene as farce, and the story of Claudius discovered behind a curtain is memorable, but the political meaning is serious: the guard, not the Senate, made an emperor, and every subsequent accession had to reckon with that. Claudius' own position, as a man previously excluded from public life because of a physical disability that his family found embarrassing, made him vulnerable to senatorial contempt throughout the reign.
The reign's substance was administrative and imperial. Claudius invaded Britain in AD 43, a conquest that supplied the military prestige his accession lacked and produced a triumph; he extended Roman citizenship and, in a speech preserved both in Tacitus and, remarkably, on a bronze tablet from Lyon, argued for admitting leading men from Gaul to the Senate on the historical ground that Rome had always absorbed outsiders. He developed the central administration through freedmen secretaries - Narcissus, Pallas and others - who ran departments of correspondence, finance and petitions; he undertook major public works including a new harbour at Ostia and the draining of the Fucine Lake; and he took a close personal interest in the administration of justice.
It is the freedmen and the wives who dominate the hostile tradition. Senators resented being obliged to deal with former slaves who held real power, and our sources treat their influence as evidence of a court in which proper distinctions had collapsed; Claudius' marriages, to Messalina and then to his niece Agrippina the Younger, are presented as further evidence that he was ruled by others. Both charges deserve scrutiny. Employing freedmen was administratively rational, since they were dependent on the emperor alone and could not build senatorial careers; and the prominence of imperial women followed from a system in which succession ran through the family. The Lyon tablet is the crucial corrective: set beside Tacitus' version of the same speech, it shows a ruler thinking historically and arguing a policy, which is not the man of the anecdotes.
Worked example

Using an inscription against a literary portrait

How does the bronze tablet from Lyon, recording Claudius' speech on admitting Gallic notables to the Senate, affect our assessment of him?

  1. 01Establish the document

    The tablet preserves a version of a speech Claudius delivered to the Senate; Tacitus also gives a version of the same speech in the Annals. It is a rare case in which a literary account of an emperor's words can be checked against a contemporary inscribed record.

  2. 02Note what the tablet shows

    The inscribed speech is discursive and heavily historical, arguing from precedents in Rome's own past that the city had always absorbed outsiders, and dealing directly with objections. It shows an emperor arguing a policy at length before the Senate, on his own historical learning.

  3. 03Compare the literary version

    Tacitus gives a tighter, more rhetorically effective speech making the same essential argument. The comparison is instructive about ancient historiographical practice: Tacitus has reworked a real speech into the form his genre required, preserving the substance while improving the delivery.

  4. 04Draw the conclusion about Claudius

    The tablet is direct evidence of a ruler engaged in policy argument and antiquarian scholarship - which is difficult to reconcile with the tradition of a foolish emperor manipulated by others, and which supports taking the administrative record of the reign seriously.

  5. 05Draw the conclusion about method

    It also supplies a general lesson: where a literary source can be checked against a document, the check tends to confirm the substance of speeches while showing that their form is the historian's. That should calibrate how you treat speeches elsewhere in Tacitus.

Result: An integration of documentary and literary evidence that revises a portrait and, in passing, tests the historian's method.

Exam focus

  • Say plainly that Tacitus' account of Gaius is lost, and grade your claims about that reign accordingly.
  • Use the Lyon tablet against the literary caricature of Claudius: a documentary check on a hostile tradition.

Typical mistakes

  • Repeating the Caligula anecdotes as historical fact when the evidence is late, hostile and untestable.
  • Treating Claudius' use of freedmen as simple weakness rather than as an administrative solution that offended senatorial expectations.

Active revision

How far does the evidence allow us to explain why Gaius was assassinated? Distinguish what is established from what is alleged.

Active recall

Recall the key points — then reveal.

Sources: OCR AS and A Level Ancient History (H007, H407) specification (OCR (Oxford Cambridge and RSA))

§ 05

Nero and the fall of the dynasty#

●●●AdvancedLPOCR H407 Component 2 Period Study - the reign of Nero and the revolt of AD 68LPDfE GCE Ancient History subject content

The unravelling of Nero's position

AD 54 to AD 68Graph, Early years: Seneca and Burrus; respectful government → Killing of Agrippina, AD 59, Killing of Agrippina, AD 59 → Public performance and the Greek tour: offence to Roman dignity, The Great Fire, AD 64; rebuilding and the Golden House → Financial strain and confiscations, Financial strain and confiscations → Pisonian conspiracy, AD 65; enforced suicides, Public performance and the Greek tour: offence to Roman dignity → Pisonian conspiracy, AD 65; enforced suicides, Pisonian conspiracy, AD 65; enforced suicides → Revolt in Judaea; Vindex in Gaul; Galba proclaimed in Spain, Revolt in Judaea; Vindex in Gaul; Galba proclaimed in Spain → Guard transfers loyalty; Senate declares him a public enemy; suicide AD 68Early years:Seneca andBurrus; respect…Killing ofAgrippina, AD 59Publicperformance andthe Greek tour:…The Great Fire,AD 64;rebuilding and …Financial strainandconfiscationsPisonianconspiracy, AD65; enforced su…Revolt inJudaea; Vindexin Gaul; Galba …Guard transfersloyalty; Senatedeclares him a …
Fig. 7Nero lost each of the constituencies an emperor needed - the political class, the wealthy, traditional opinion and finally the armies.

Key points

Nero succeeded in AD 54 at about sixteen, having been adopted by Claudius after his mother Agrippina the Younger married the emperor. The early years are presented by our sources as comparatively good government, guided by the philosopher Seneca and the praetorian prefect Burrus, with the Senate treated respectfully and administration functioning; the emperor's own interests lay elsewhere. The relationship with Agrippina, who had made his accession possible and expected influence, deteriorated, and in AD 59 Nero had her killed - an act our sources describe in detail and treat as the decisive moral turning point of the reign.
Nero's interests were artistic and Hellenic, and this was a political problem as much as a personal taste. He performed publicly as a singer and lyre-player and competed in games, culminating in a tour of Greece in AD 66-67 in which he entered festival competitions and was duly victorious. To the Roman governing class, public performance was the work of professionals of low status, and an emperor on a stage was a category error that undermined the dignity of his office. In the Greek east the same behaviour could be read as philhellenic generosity, and Nero's declaration of freedom for the province of Achaea was received there with gratitude - a divergence in reception that is itself a valuable historical point.
The Great Fire of Rome in AD 64 destroyed much of the city. Tacitus, our fullest source, reports the rumour that Nero had sung of the fall of Troy while the city burned and records that the emperor took relief measures; he then describes how, to dispel the persistent rumour that he had ordered the fire, Nero fastened the blame on the Christians and punished them with notorious cruelty - a passage that is also among the earliest non-Christian references to them. Nero's rebuilding included new regulations on construction and the vast Golden House, the Domus Aurea, whose scale and appropriation of central land offended opinion. Rebuilding and the pursuit of funds strained the finances and produced confiscations that touched the wealthy.
Opposition hardened. The Pisonian conspiracy of AD 65, a broad plot among senators and officers, was discovered and produced a wave of enforced suicides, Seneca among the victims; Lucan the poet and, in AD 66, Petronius were also compelled to die. Meanwhile the provinces produced their own crises: a serious revolt broke out in Judaea in AD 66, and the campaigns in Britain and on the Armenian frontier had already tested the empire's forces. By AD 68 Nero had lost the political class through terror, the wealthy through confiscation, and the traditionalists through his performances, while the armies watched.
The end came from the provinces. Vindex, governor in Gaul, revolted; Galba, governor in nearer Spain and an experienced senator, was proclaimed by his troops; the praetorian prefect transferred the guard's loyalty; the Senate declared Nero a public enemy; and Nero killed himself in June AD 68. With him ended the family that had ruled since Augustus, and the succession problem the dynasty had solved by inheritance became, for the first time, open. Tacitus' comment in the Histories that a secret of empire had been revealed - that an emperor could be made elsewhere than at Rome - identifies exactly what AD 68 taught, and it is the hinge between this period study and the Flavian depth study.

Augustus and Nero as rulers

Two principatesVenn diagram with 2 sets, Augustus, NeroAugustusNerorestorationlanguage; def…publicperformance a…the sameformal powers…
Fig. 8Both ruled through the same formal powers; the difference lay in what each did with the presentation of them.
Worked example

Assessing a hostile biography

Assess the value of Suetonius as a source for the reign of Nero.

  1. 01Place the author

    Suetonius was an equestrian who held posts in the imperial administration under Trajan and Hadrian, writing biographies of the Caesars roughly half a century after Nero's death. He had access to imperial and public records, and his Lives quote documents unusually often.

  2. 02Identify the genre's rules

    He organises each Life by rubric rather than chronology - ancestry, early career, public acts, then private conduct and vices - so material is grouped thematically. This produces an accumulation of anecdote under 'vices' that reads as a catalogue rather than a narrative of development.

  3. 03State what he is good for

    He preserves administrative detail, documents, and specifics about buildings, games and measures that Tacitus omits; his access to archives gives some material an authority independent of the hostile tradition.

  4. 04State the limits

    The rubric structure strips context and chronology from damning material, so it cannot show whether a reported act was typical or isolated. Anecdotes about private conduct are unverifiable, and the moral organisation of the Life invites the reader to see a character rather than a reign.

  5. 05Judge

    Conclude that Suetonius is of solid value for administrative measures and for documents, and of low value for the interpretation of character or the sequence of political change - and that using him well means extracting the specific and resisting the shape.

Result: An evaluation that separates a source's documentary strengths from the distortions its genre imposes.

Exam focus

  • Explain Nero's fall as the loss of successive constituencies, ending with the armies - not simply as unpopularity or madness.
  • Note the divergence between Roman and Greek reception of his performances as evidence about values, not just about Nero.

Typical mistakes

  • Repeating that Nero 'fiddled while Rome burned': Tacitus reports the rumour of singing, and also records the relief measures.
  • Neglecting the provincial and military dimension of AD 68, which is what actually ended the reign.

Active revision

How far was Nero's fall caused by his treatment of the senatorial class? Write the paragraph that argues for the armies instead.

Active recall

Recall the key points — then reveal.

Sources: OCR AS and A Level Ancient History (H007, H407) specification (OCR (Oxford Cambridge and RSA)) · GCE AS and A level subject content for ancient history (Department for Education)

§ 06

The principate, the Senate, the army - and the sources#

●●●AdvancedLPOCR H407 Component 2 Period Study - the nature of the principate and its evidenceLPDfE GCE Ancient History subject content

The structure of the principate

The princeps and the empireGraph, The princeps: tribunician power, imperium, auctoritas → Senate: prestige, governors, courts - and dependence, The princeps: tribunician power, imperium, auctoritas → Equestrian prefects and imperial freedmen, The princeps: tribunician power, imperium, auctoritas → Legions on the frontiers; praetorian guard at Rome, The princeps: tribunician power, imperium, auctoritas → People of Rome: corn supply, games, building, Equestrian prefects and imperial freedmen → Provinces: governors, taxation, the imperial cult, Legions on the frontiers; praetorian guard at Rome → The princeps: tribunician power, imperium, auctoritas, Senate: prestige, governors, courts - and dependence → Provinces: governors, taxation, the imperial cultThe princeps:tribunicianpower, imperium…Senate:prestige,governors, cour…Equestrianprefects andimperial freedm…Legions on thefrontiers;praetorian guar…People of Rome:corn supply,games, buildingProvinces:governors,taxation, the i…makes andunmakes
Fig. 9The princeps stood at the centre of several relationships, each requiring management: Senate, administration, armies, plebs and provinces.

Key points

Looking across the century, the principate developed in identifiable directions. The powers themselves became conventional: by AD 41 an accession could be managed in days, and the package of tribunician power and imperium was voted as a matter of course. The administration grew, staffed increasingly by equestrians and imperial freedmen answerable to the emperor rather than to the Senate. Provincial government improved in some respects, since a permanent governor supervised by an emperor concerned with revenue and stability was preferable to the annual proconsuls of the late Republic. And the imperial cult spread as a language of loyalty, especially in the provinces.
The Senate's position changed correspondingly. It retained enormous prestige, supplied governors and commanders, and became the body in which the emperor's business was transacted and his enemies tried; the transfer of elections to it under Tiberius made it the arena of careers. But its independence declined, and the maiestas trials made it the instrument of imperial repression. This is the central experience recorded by our literary sources, because they were written by and for men of this class. Tacitus' preoccupation with senatorial servility - and with the difficulty of behaving honourably under an autocrat - is the perspective of the group whose position the principate had transformed.
The armies were the ultimate arbiter, and the century demonstrated it twice. Augustus had professionalised the legions and settled their terms of service so that soldiers looked to the state; the praetorian guard, concentrated at Rome by Sejanus, became the force nearest the emperor and made Claudius in AD 41. In AD 68 the provincial armies discovered that they too could make an emperor. Between those points the relationship was managed by donatives, by careful selection of commanders, and by keeping the legions on the frontiers - but the underlying fact never changed, and every emperor knew it.
The source tradition for this period has a definite shape that should be stated in any answer about evidence. Tacitus' Annals, written a century after the events, is the fullest and best political narrative, senatorial in perspective and hostile to the corruption of public life by autocracy; parts, including the whole of Gaius' reign, are lost. Suetonius' Lives supply documents and administrative detail within a moralising biographical frame. Cassius Dio, writing in Greek in the early third century and surviving partly in later summaries, gives a continuous narrative at greater distance. Velleius Paterculus offers a rare contemporary and favourable voice for Tiberius; Josephus supplies detail on Gaius and on Judaea; Seneca, Pliny the Elder and others contribute contemporary observations.
Against this stands a documentary record of real weight, and using it is the surest way to raise an answer above narrative. The Res Gestae gives the regime's own account of the Augustan settlement. Inscriptions preserve imperial decisions, careers, honours and the Lyon speech of Claudius. Coinage documents official themes reign by reign, often datable to the year by the titles in the legend. Monuments - the Altar of Peace, the Forum of Augustus, the remains of the Golden House - show what was built and asserted. Papyri from Egypt record administration at ground level. None of this replaces Tacitus; all of it can test him, and the ability to say what an inscription establishes that a hostile historian cannot is precisely the AO3 skill the paper rewards.

The evidence for the Julio-Claudians

Sources for 31 BC to AD 68Probability tree, 7 paths, Data: Contemporary voices → Res Gestae; Velleius Paterculus; Seneca; Josephus; Later historians → Tacitus, Annals (c. AD 110s): senatorial, hostile, detailed; Later historians → Cassius Dio (early 3rd century): continuous but distant; Biography → Suetonius: documents and anecdote, arranged by rubric; Documentary and material → Inscriptions, including the Lyon tablet; Documentary and material → Coinage, datable by imperial titles; Documentary and material → Monuments, buildings and papyriContemporary voicesLater historiansBiographyDocumentary and materialEvidence for the Julio-ClaudiansRes Gestae; Velleius Paterculus; Seneca…Tacitus, Annals (c. AD 110s): senatoria…Cassius Dio (early 3rd century): contin…Suetonius: documents and anecdote, arra…Inscriptions, including the Lyon tabletCoinage, datable by imperial titlesMonuments, buildings and papyri
Fig. 10The narrative is late and senatorial; the documentary record is contemporary and official. Strong answers use both.
Worked example

Building an argument from mixed evidence

Assess how far the principate depended on the support of the army between 31 BC and AD 68.

  1. 01Set the terms

    Distinguish two claims: that military force underpinned the emperor's position in principle, and that armies actively determined who ruled in practice. The evidence for each is different.

  2. 02Establish the structural point

    The Augustan settlement gave the princeps the provinces where the legions were stationed; the military treasury tied soldiers' retirement to the state under the emperor's patronage; the praetorian guard was stationed in Italy. The system was built on control of armed force from the start.

  3. 03Test with the accessions

    Tiberius succeeded with powers already held, and the army was not the deciding factor; in AD 41 the praetorians made Claudius when the Senate was debating alternatives; in AD 68 provincial armies proclaimed Galba and the guard abandoned Nero. The trend across the century is towards active military decision.

  4. 04Weigh the other supports

    Yet the army alone did not sustain a reign: Nero commanded the same armies for years and fell when several constituencies had been lost; senatorial cooperation was needed to govern; the plebs of Rome required corn and games; the provinces required stable administration.

  5. 05Judge with the evidence

    Conclude that military control was the necessary foundation throughout and became the decisive mechanism of succession by AD 68 - a conclusion supported by the Res Gestae's own account of provincial command, by the accession narratives, and by Tacitus' explicit statement that the events of 68 revealed an emperor could be made away from Rome.

Result: A judgement that distinguishes structural dependence from active kingmaking, tracks change across the century, and cites both documentary and narrative evidence.

Exam focus

  • Argue about the principate as a system - powers, administration, army, Senate - and track its development across the century.
  • Name a documentary or material source and say what it establishes that the literary narrative cannot.

Typical mistakes

  • Treating the senatorial perspective of Tacitus and Suetonius as the view of Roman society as a whole.
  • Writing about the reigns as a sequence of personalities without analysing the institution they occupied.

Active revision

How far had the principate become an established system by AD 68? Identify three developments that support your answer.

Active recall

Recall the key points — then reveal.

Sources: OCR AS and A Level Ancient History (H007, H407) specification (OCR (Oxford Cambridge and RSA)) · GCE AS and A level subject content for ancient history (Department for Education)

Contents

Section -- / 06

    • 01From Republic to Principate: Actium and the Augustan settlements○
    • 02Augustus: government, image and the succession problem◐
    • 03Tiberius: the first inheritance◐
    • 04Gaius and Claudius◐
    • 05Nero and the fall of the dynasty●
    • 06The principate, the Senate, the army - and the sources●

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From notes into training

Roman Period Study: The Julio-Claudian Emperors, 31 BC-AD 68

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References & sources

Sources

OCR (Oxford Cambridge and RSA)

  • OCR AS and A Level Ancient History (H007, H407) specification

Department for Education

  • GCE AS and A level subject content for ancient history

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