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Notes/Ancient History/Roman Depth Study: Ruling Roman Britain, AD 43-c.128
Notes · Ancient HistoryUK · A-Levels

Roman Depth Study: Ruling Roman Britain, AD 43-c.128

Britain was the last great conquest of the Julio-Claudian period and the province that never quite settled. This depth study examines Britain before the invasion and the Claudian conquest of AD 43, the long resistance associated with Caratacus and the attack on the Druids, the Boudican revolt of AD 60/61 and its causes, the consolidation under the governors down to Agricola, the machinery of provincial administration and the debated processes gathered under the term Romanisation, and the shift from conquest to fixed frontier that produced Hadrian's Wall - throughout using Tacitus alongside inscriptions, writing tablets and archaeology.

6 sections·~31 min reading time·3 competencies·Level Foundation 1 · Standard 3 · Advanced 2

T·0999 / 9
Exam profile
AO1 · Demonstrate knowledge and understanding of the conquest and government of Roman Britain, AD 43-c.128AO2 · Analyse and evaluate resistance, consolidation and the effects of Roman ruleAO3 · Use and evaluate Tacitus, Cassius Dio, inscriptions, writing tablets and archaeology in context
Operators:assesshow farto what extentexplainanalyseevaluateaccount for

basic level

AS-Level expects secure knowledge of the conquest, the Boudican revolt, the governors and the building of Hadrian's Wall, with straightforward comment on the sources.

higher level

The full A-Level expects analysis of why the province was governed as it was, and sustained integration of Tacitus with the exceptionally rich archaeological and epigraphic record.

Depth

Reading depth: In depth

Text

Text size: Standard

Contents · 6 sections▾
  1. Roman Depth Study: Ruling Roman Britain, AD 43-c.128
    • 01Britain before Rome and the Claudian conquest○
    • 02Conquest, resistance and the Druids◐
    • 03The Boudican revolt, AD 60/61◐
    • 04Consolidation and the governorship of Agricola◐
    • 05Administration and the effects of Roman rule●
    • 06Frontier policy, Hadrian's Wall and the sources●
§ 01

Britain before Rome and the Claudian conquest#

●○○FoundationLPOCR H407 Component 2 Depth Study (Britain) - Britain before AD 43 and the invasionLPDfE GCE Ancient History subject content

Roman Britain, AD 43-128

AD 43 to c.128Timeline from 40 to 130, 43: Claudian invasion; Camulodunum taken, 51: Caratacus defeated and handed over, 60: Attack on Anglesey; Boudican revolt begins, 61: Revolt defeated; Classicianus sent as procurator, 71: Cerialis campaigns against the Brigantes, 78: Agricola becomes governor, 83: Mons Graupius, 87: Withdrawal from the far north begins, 122: Hadrian visits Britain; the Wall begun, 43–61: Conquest and resistance, 78–84: Agricola's governorship40130CEConquest andresistanceAgricola'sgovernorship43Claudianinvasion; Camul…51Caratacusdefeated and ha…60Attack onAnglesey; Boudi…61Revolt defeated;Classicianus se…71Cerialiscampaigns again…78Agricola becomesgovernor83Mons Graupius87Withdrawal fromthe far north b…122Hadrian visitsBritain; the Wa…
Fig. 1Eighty-five years from invasion to fixed frontier: conquest, revolt, consolidation, and finally a decision to stop.

Key points

Britain before the conquest was not isolated. Julius Caesar's expeditions in 55 and 54 BC had established contact, taken hostages and imposed obligations, though they left no garrison and no province; in the ninety years that followed, trade with Gaul and the empire grew, imported goods reached elite settlements, and some southern rulers issued coins with Latin legends bearing their names and titles. Political power lay with a number of peoples - the archaeological and numismatic evidence suggests kingdoms of varying strength - among them the group associated with Cunobelinus, who ruled from Camulodunum, modern Colchester, and whose death shortly before the invasion left a disputed succession.
Claudius invaded in AD 43, and the reason has as much to do with Rome as with Britain. He had been made emperor by the praetorian guard two years earlier and possessed no military reputation; a conquest that Caesar had attempted and left unfinished offered prestige of exactly the kind he lacked. Our sources also record a request for help from a British ruler driven out by rivals, the traditional pretext for Roman intervention. The invasion force of four legions with auxiliaries was commanded by Aulus Plautius; the army landed in the south-east, fought its way across a major river - the engagement usually placed at the Medway - and paused for Claudius himself to arrive and lead the entry into Camulodunum.
The conquest was celebrated at Rome in the fullest terms. Claudius took a triumph, the title Britannicus was given to his son, and an arch was erected at Rome whose inscription, surviving in fragments, records the surrender of British kings. Coins proclaimed the victory. For the depth study, the significance is that Britain's conquest was from the outset a political asset in Roman domestic politics as much as a strategic decision - which helps explain both the scale of the initial commitment and the reluctance of later emperors to abandon it.
Roman advance in the following years combined direct rule with client kingdoms. Some rulers were retained as allies: an inscription from Chichester names a great king in Britain, generally identified with the ruler our literary sources call Cogidubnus or Togidubnus, and the substantial early Roman-style building at nearby Fishbourne is often connected with a favoured client, though the identification and the reading of the name are debated. Prasutagus of the Iceni was another client king. Client kingship was cheap government: it delegated control to a local ruler in return for loyalty, and it postponed the cost of direct administration.
Assessing the conquest requires distinguishing what the sources establish from what they assume. Tacitus and Cassius Dio give the narrative; the arch inscription and the coinage document the official presentation; archaeology supplies the military installations, the early forts and roads, and the pattern of destruction and construction. Where Roman writers describe Britain as remote, misty and inhabited by warlike tribes, they are drawing on an ethnographic tradition about the edges of the world, and that framing should be identified rather than repeated. The material record shows a society with agriculture, metalworking, coinage and long-distance trade.
Worked example

Explaining a decision from Roman politics

Why did Claudius invade Britain in AD 43?

  1. 01Set aside the obvious

    Strategic necessity is a weak explanation: Britain posed no serious threat to Gaul, and the province would require a permanent garrison of several legions, making it an expense rather than a gain for most of its history.

  2. 02Give the domestic explanation

    Claudius had been raised by the praetorians in AD 41, had held no military command and was treated with contempt in senatorial circles. A conquest - especially of the island Caesar had famously visited and not held - supplied the one thing his position lacked.

  3. 03Add the pretext and opportunity

    Our sources record an appeal from an expelled British ruler, the conventional justification for intervention; the death of Cunobelinus and the resulting instability in the south-east made the moment favourable.

  4. 04Test with the commemoration

    The triumph, the title Britannicus, the arch at Rome and the coinage show how heavily the victory was exploited at Rome. The scale of the celebration relative to the strategic value is itself evidence about the motive.

  5. 05Judge

    Conclude that the invasion is best explained as a political decision taken at Rome for prestige, made practicable by instability in Britain - a conclusion drawn from the pattern of commemoration as much as from what the narratives assert.

Result: An explanation that weighs strategic against political motives and uses the commemoration as evidence.

Exam focus

  • Explain the invasion partly through Claudius' need for military prestige at Rome - a domestic political motive.
  • Use the numismatic and archaeological evidence to describe pre-conquest Britain rather than the Roman ethnographic cliches.

Typical mistakes

  • Treating Caesar's expeditions of 55 and 54 BC as a conquest; they left no province and no garrison.
  • Describing pre-Roman Britain as primitive when the coinage, trade goods and settlements show otherwise.

Active revision

Explain why client kingdoms were useful to Rome in the years after AD 43, and what risk they carried.

Active recall

Recall the key points — then reveal.

Sources: OCR AS and A Level Ancient History (H007, H407) specification (OCR (Oxford Cambridge and RSA)) · GCE AS and A level subject content for ancient history (Department for Education)

§ 02

Conquest, resistance and the Druids#

●●○StandardLPOCR H407 Component 2 Depth Study (Britain) - resistance to Rome and the campaigns to AD 60LPDfE GCE Ancient History subject content

Resistance and collaboration

Conquest, resistance and clientsGraph, Roman advance from the south-east after AD 43 → Caratacus continues the war in the west, Caratacus continues the war in the west → Defeated c. AD 51; flees to the Brigantes, Defeated c. AD 51; flees to the Brigantes → Cartimandua, client queen, hands him over, Roman advance from the south-east after AD 43 → Client kingdoms: Cogidubnus in the south; Prasutagus of the Iceni, Roman advance from the south-east after AD 43 → Anglesey attacked, AD 60: the Druids suppressed, Anglesey attacked, AD 60: the Druids suppressed → The field army far from the settled south-eastRoman advancefrom the south-east after AD 43Caratacuscontinues thewar in the westDefeated c. AD51; flees to theBrigantesCartimandua,client queen,hands him overClient kingdoms:Cogidubnus inthe south; Pras…Angleseyattacked, AD 60:the Druids supp…The field armyfar from thesettled south-e…
Fig. 2Roman rule advanced through both conquest and cooperation, and the two were connected - Caratacus was defeated in the field and delivered up by a client queen.

Key points

Roman control expanded outwards from the south-east through the 40s and 50s, and it met organised resistance. The most prominent leader was Caratacus, a son of Cunobelinus, who after defeat in the south-east continued the war in the west, drawing on the peoples of Wales. Tacitus describes his final defeat in about AD 51 in a hill position, after which he fled north to the Brigantes and was handed over by their queen Cartimandua, a Roman client. Taken to Rome, he was displayed and then, according to Tacitus, spared by Claudius after making a speech that impressed the audience.
That speech is a valuable teaching case. Tacitus gives Caratacus a dignified argument - that his resistance was what any free man would offer, that his fall makes the emperor's clemency the more glorious, and that if Rome wishes to rule everyone it should not expect everyone to accept slavery. No Roman recorded a British prisoner's words verbatim, and the sentiments are those Tacitus elsewhere gives to opponents of empire. The speech is therefore not evidence for what Caratacus thought; it is excellent evidence for how a Roman senator writing half a century later used a defeated enemy to comment on Roman power - and that is a real historical finding.
Cartimandua's role introduces the theme of collaboration, which is as important to the depth study as resistance. A client ruler who handed over a fugitive was doing exactly what the relationship required, and Roman rule in Britain depended on such arrangements. Her later quarrel with her former husband Venutius produced conflict that required Roman intervention, and the eventual absorption of the Brigantian territory. The lesson is general: Roman expansion often proceeded through the internal politics of the peoples being absorbed, with one faction gaining by cooperation and another by opposition.
In AD 60 the governor Suetonius Paulinus attacked Anglesey, an island Tacitus identifies as a centre of the Druids. His account of the assault - the defenders on the shore, women with torches, the Druids calling down curses, the momentary hesitation of the Roman soldiers before they advanced and destroyed the sacred groves - is one of the most vivid passages in Latin literature and one of the most difficult to use. Roman writers regarded Druidic religion as barbarous and associated it with human sacrifice; suppression was official policy under Claudius. The passage shows Roman attitudes clearly; how much it shows about Druidism is another question, since almost everything we know comes from Roman authors hostile to it.
The pattern of these years explains a great deal about what followed. Conquest was piecemeal and expensive, resistance persisted in the west and north long after the south-east was secure, and the province was being administered by governors whose reputations depended on visible success. Meanwhile the settled south-east was experiencing the costs of occupation - land taken for veterans, taxation, requisition and debt. When the governor took the bulk of the field army to the far west in AD 60, the province's most Romanised region was left with a garrison too small to meet a serious rising.
Worked example

Using a composed speech as evidence

What can the historian legitimately do with the speech Tacitus gives to Caratacus at Rome?

  1. 01Establish that it is composed

    Ancient historiography routinely supplied speeches appropriate to the speaker and occasion. No verbatim record of a British prisoner's words existed, and Tacitus was writing decades later; the speech is his composition.

  2. 02Refuse the illegitimate use

    It therefore cannot be used as evidence for what Caratacus believed, for British attitudes to Rome, or for how the British understood their own resistance.

  3. 03Identify the legitimate use

    It is direct evidence for Tacitus: for his willingness to put an articulate critique of empire into an enemy's mouth, for the themes he associates with Roman rule - conquest, clemency, the pride of the ruler - and for what a senatorial readership would find striking rather than offensive.

  4. 04Connect to a wider pattern

    Tacitus does the same elsewhere, most famously in the speech he gives a British leader before Mons Graupius. Recognising the pattern strengthens the analysis: this is a device by which a Roman historian examines the moral cost of empire.

  5. 05State the conclusion

    Conclude that the passage is highly valuable for Roman attitudes to conquest and of no value for British ones - and that saying so precisely is a stronger answer than either quoting it as testimony or dismissing it as invention.

Result: A precise reassignment of a famous passage from the evidence it cannot supply to the evidence it can.

Exam focus

  • Treat the speech Tacitus gives Caratacus as evidence about Roman self-criticism, not about British opinion.
  • Give collaboration equal weight with resistance: client rulers were an instrument of Roman control.

Typical mistakes

  • Quoting the Caratacus speech as the authentic words of a British leader.
  • Building a picture of Druidism from Roman authors who were hostile to it and who had an interest in justifying its suppression.

Active revision

Explain how the campaign against Anglesey in AD 60 contributed to the outbreak of the Boudican revolt.

Active recall

Recall the key points — then reveal.

Sources: OCR AS and A Level Ancient History (H007, H407) specification (OCR (Oxford Cambridge and RSA))

§ 03

The Boudican revolt, AD 60/61#

●●○StandardLPOCR H407 Component 2 Depth Study (Britain) - the causes, course and consequences of the revoltLPDfE GCE Ancient History subject content

Causes of the Boudican revolt

Why the revolt broke outGraph, Iceni kingdom annexed on Prasutagus' death; violence to his family → Revolt: Camulodunum, Londinium and Verulamium destroyed, Veteran colony at Camulodunum on seized land → Revolt: Camulodunum, Londinium and Verulamium destroyed, Temple of the deified Claudius and its costs → Revolt: Camulodunum, Londinium and Verulamium destroyed, Loans recalled; financial pressure from officials → Revolt: Camulodunum, Londinium and Verulamium destroyed, Taxation, requisition and the conduct of officials → Revolt: Camulodunum, Londinium and Verulamium destroyed, The governor and army in the far west, AD 60 → Revolt: Camulodunum, Londinium and Verulamium destroyedIceni kingdomannexed onPrasutagus' dea…Veteran colonyat Camulodunumon seized landTemple of thedeified Claudiusand its costsLoans recalled;financialpressure from o…Taxation,requisition andthe conduct of …The governor andarmy in the farwest, AD 60Revolt:Camulodunum,Londinium and V…opportunity
Fig. 3Long-standing grievances plus a specific outrage plus an undefended province: the revolt needed all three.

Key points

The revolt's immediate trigger is described by Tacitus with unusual directness. Prasutagus, client king of the Iceni, had made the emperor co-heir with his daughters in the hope of protecting his kingdom and household; on his death the arrangement was disregarded, the kingdom was treated as Roman property, the leading Iceni were dispossessed, and Boudicca, his widow, was flogged and their daughters raped. Whatever precise weight is given to each element, the substance is that a client kingdom was annexed on its ruler's death with violence to his family - and that annexation on the death of a client was standard Roman practice, which is what makes the episode revealing about the system rather than about individual cruelty.
Deeper grievances had been accumulating. Cassius Dio adds that the recall of large loans, including money lent by Seneca, contributed to the crisis, and that Roman financial officials pressed the province hard. At Camulodunum a colony of Roman veterans had been settled on land taken from the local population, and a great temple to the deified Claudius had been built there, whose upkeep Tacitus says fell on leading Britons as a ruinous obligation and which was seen as a citadel of eternal domination. Taxation, requisition, conscription and the arrogance of officials appear repeatedly in Tacitus' account of provincial grievance elsewhere, and there is no reason to think Britain exceptional.
The rising was formidable because the timing was right and the targets were undefended. With the governor Suetonius Paulinus and much of the army in the far west, the rebels destroyed Camulodunum, whose veterans had no proper defences and where a relieving detachment was cut to pieces; they then destroyed Londinium, already a substantial commercial centre, which Paulinus decided he could not defend and abandoned; and then Verulamium. Tacitus gives a figure of seventy thousand killed in the three places, a number that, like most ancient casualty figures, should be reported as his and treated as an indication of scale rather than a count.
The archaeological corroboration is one of the best examples of integrated evidence in the whole specification. Excavation at Colchester, London and St Albans has revealed burnt destruction deposits of the mid first century, in places containing melted glass, charred goods and destroyed buildings, consistent in date and character with the literary account. This is independent, contemporary, unrhetorical evidence that the three named towns were violently destroyed at about the right time - it confirms the event without confirming any of the narrative's numbers, motives or speeches, which is exactly the sort of precision an examiner rewards.
The revolt was defeated in a set battle at a site that has never been identified, where the discipline and formation of a much smaller Roman force overcame numbers in confined ground; Tacitus gives Paulinus and Boudicca speeches before it, which are his compositions. On Boudicca's death the sources differ - Tacitus says she took poison, Dio that she fell ill and died - a divergence worth citing as evidence that neither writer knew. The aftermath saw savage reprisals, which the new procurator Julius Classicianus opposed; his report to Rome contributed to Paulinus' replacement, and his tombstone, found in London, survives to document his presence. The shift towards conciliation that followed is the revolt's most important consequence.

Literary and archaeological evidence for the revolt

Two kinds of evidenceVenn diagram with 2 sets, Tacitus and Dio, ArchaeologyTacitus and DioArchaeologynames andmotives; the …burntdestruction d…the threetowns were de…
Fig. 4The texts supply names, causes and narrative; the burnt layers supply independent proof of destruction. The overlap is where the argument becomes strong.
Worked example

Integrating literary and material evidence

How far do the ancient sources and the archaeological evidence together establish what happened in the Boudican revolt?

  1. 01Set out the literary evidence

    Tacitus, writing some fifty years later with access to good information including his father-in-law's service in Britain, gives the fullest account; Cassius Dio, writing much later, adds the detail about recalled loans and differs on Boudicca's death.

  2. 02Set out the material evidence

    Excavation at all three named towns has produced destruction deposits of burning dated to the mid first century, with evidence of intense fire. This evidence was generated by the event itself and carries no authorial purpose.

  3. 03State what they establish together

    The destruction of Camulodunum, Londinium and Verulamium at about this date is established beyond reasonable doubt: two independent kinds of evidence agree. The general severity is also secure.

  4. 04State what remains uncertain

    Numbers killed, the site of the final battle, the exact sequence of causes, what Boudicca said or intended, and how she died all rest on the literary tradition alone - and on two accounts that disagree at the end.

  5. 05Judge

    Conclude that the revolt is one of the best-evidenced events in Roman Britain for its outline and one of the least secure for its detail, and that a strong answer says which of its claims sit in which category.

Result: An integration that grades confidence claim by claim, using the material record for the outline and naming what only the texts assert.

Exam focus

  • Distinguish trigger from long-term causes, and note that annexing a client kingdom on the ruler's death was normal Roman practice.
  • Use the burnt layers as independent corroboration of destruction, and say precisely what they do and do not confirm.

Typical mistakes

  • Citing Tacitus' figure of seventy thousand dead as a statistic rather than as his indication of scale.
  • Quoting the pre-battle speeches of Boudicca or Paulinus as records of what was said.

Active revision

How far was the Boudican revolt caused by Roman misgovernment rather than by the annexation of the Iceni kingdom? Plan both sides.

Active recall

Recall the key points — then reveal.

Sources: OCR AS and A Level Ancient History (H007, H407) specification (OCR (Oxford Cambridge and RSA)) · GCE AS and A level subject content for ancient history (Department for Education)

§ 04

Consolidation and the governorship of Agricola#

●●○StandardLPOCR H407 Component 2 Depth Study (Britain) - the governors and the northern campaignsLPDfE GCE Ancient History subject content

Consolidation and the Agricolan advance

After the revolt to AD 87Graph, Reprisals curtailed; taxation supervised; London rebuilt → Cerialis against the Brigantes; Frontinus in Wales, Cerialis against the Brigantes; Frontinus in Wales → Agricola governor from AD 77/78, an unusually long term, Agricola governor from AD 77/78, an unusually long term → Encouragement of towns, building and Latin education, Agricola governor from AD 77/78, an unusually long term → Northern campaigns and a network of forts, Northern campaigns and a network of forts → Mons Graupius, AD 83/84, Mons Graupius, AD 83/84 → Recall; legion withdrawn; northern forts abandonedReprisalscurtailed;taxation superv…Cerialis againstthe Brigantes;Frontinus in Wa…Agricolagovernor from AD77/78, an unusu…Encouragement oftowns, buildingand Latin educa…Northerncampaigns and anetwork of fortsMons Graupius,AD 83/84Recall; legionwithdrawn;northern forts …
Fig. 5Advance and retreat within a decade: Agricola's northern conquests were given up when troops were needed elsewhere in the empire.

Key points

After the revolt the province was governed with more care. The reprisals were curtailed, taxation and requisition came under closer supervision after Classicianus' intervention, and the emphasis shifted from punishment to reconstruction; London recovered and became the administrative centre of the province. The Flavian period then brought renewed expansion under a series of capable governors: Petillius Cerialis campaigned against the Brigantes in the north from about AD 71, and Julius Frontinus subdued the Silures in Wales, so that by the late 70s Roman control extended over most of what is now England and Wales.
Agricola became governor in AD 77 or 78 and held the post for an unusually long term of about six years. Tacitus describes a first season of vigorous campaigning to re-establish authority, followed by winters spent on administration and by a deliberate policy of encouraging provincial life: he says Agricola gave private encouragement and public assistance for the building of temples, forums and houses, promoted the education of the sons of leading men in Latin and rhetoric, and so drew the Britons towards Roman dress and habits. Tacitus then adds the sardonic comment that in their inexperience the Britons called this civilisation when it was in fact part of their servitude - a remark that has shaped every subsequent discussion of Romanisation.
The northern campaigns dominate the second half of the governorship. Agricola advanced into what is now Scotland, established a network of forts, and used the fleet to reconnoitre the coast; Tacitus reports that the circumnavigation of Britain established that it was an island. The campaigns culminated in AD 83 or 84 in a victory at Mons Graupius, a site that has never been identified with certainty, where Tacitus says the auxiliaries did most of the fighting while the legions stood in reserve - a detail that is probably accurate and revealing about how Roman armies actually operated in Britain.
Before that battle Tacitus gives a speech to the British leader he names Calgacus, which contains the most quoted sentence in the whole literature of Roman Britain: that the Romans make a desert and call it peace. Like the Caratacus speech, it is Tacitus' composition and cannot be evidence for British opinion. Its value is that a Roman senator wrote it, published it under a new regime, and expected his readers to recognise the force of the criticism. Used properly it is evidence for a strand of Roman self-examination about empire; used improperly it becomes a fabricated quotation from a British chieftain.
Agricola was recalled shortly after the victory and given no further command; Tacitus attributes this to Domitian's jealousy. The strategic context suggests other reasons: troops were needed on the Danube, and a legion was withdrawn from Britain in the mid 80s, after which the most northerly positions - including the large fortress under construction at Inchtuthil - were abandoned. Assessing Agricola therefore means reading an admiring biography written by his son-in-law against the archaeological record of forts founded and then given up, which shows a governor's advance being reversed by imperial priorities elsewhere.
Worked example

Testing a biography against the ground

How far can Tacitus' Agricola be trusted as an account of the governorship?

  1. 01Identify the work

    A short biography of Tacitus' father-in-law, published soon after Domitian's death, combining family piety, an argument about how to serve honourably under a bad emperor, and genuine information from a man who had been in Britain.

  2. 02State the built-in bias

    The purpose requires Agricola to be exemplary: every campaign succeeds, every winter is well spent, and the recall must be explained by imperial jealousy rather than by any limit to his achievement.

  3. 03Test with archaeology

    Excavation confirms a network of Flavian forts pushed far to the north, which supports the scale of the advance; it also shows those positions, including a legionary fortress under construction, abandoned within a few years - which qualifies the picture of a conquest completed.

  4. 04Test with strategy

    The withdrawal of a legion from Britain in the mid 80s and the pressure on the Danube supply a sufficient explanation for both the recall and the retreat, independent of any imperial emotion.

  5. 05Judge

    Conclude that the Agricola is reliable in outline for the campaigns and the administration, unreliable on motive and on the permanence of the achievement, and that the archaeology is what allows the two to be separated.

Result: A judgement in which the material record does the work of testing a literary source's claims and its silences.

Exam focus

  • Read the Agricola as a laudatory biography by a son-in-law, and check its claims against the archaeology of forts founded and abandoned.
  • Use Tacitus' own comment that Romanisation was part of servitude - it shows the critique is Roman, not modern.

Typical mistakes

  • Quoting 'they make a desert and call it peace' as the words of a British leader.
  • Accepting jealousy as the explanation for Agricola's recall without considering the demands of the Danube frontier.

Active revision

How successful was Agricola as governor of Britain? Use one literary and one archaeological point on each side.

Active recall

Recall the key points — then reveal.

Sources: OCR AS and A Level Ancient History (H007, H407) specification (OCR (Oxford Cambridge and RSA))

§ 05

Administration and the effects of Roman rule#

●●●AdvancedLPOCR H407 Component 2 Depth Study (Britain) - the government of the province and its effectsLPDfE GCE Ancient History subject content

Governing the province

The government of BritainProbability tree, 6 paths, Data: Governor → Senatorial legate: commands the legions, administers justice; Procurator → Equestrian: finance and taxation, reporting to the emperor; Army → Three legions and auxiliaries; forts, roads and supply; Local government → Civitates with councils and magistrates; Local government → Coloniae of veterans; client kingdoms early on; Infrastructure → Towns with forum and baths; roads; villas in the countrysideGovernorProcuratorArmyLocal governmentInfrastructureAn imperial provinceSenatorial legate: commands the legions…Equestrian: finance and taxation, repor…Three legions and auxiliaries; forts, r…Civitates with councils and magistratesColoniae of veterans; client kingdoms e…Towns with forum and baths; roads; vill…
Fig. 6Two imperial officials with separate lines of report, a large garrison, and local government devolved to civitates based on existing peoples.

Key points

Britain was an imperial province, governed by a senatorial legate appointed by the emperor who commanded the legions and administered justice, and it had one of the largest garrisons in the empire - three legions for most of this period, with substantial auxiliary forces. Alongside the governor stood an equestrian procurator responsible for finance and answerable directly to the emperor, an arrangement that provided a check on the governor and produced the very intervention by Classicianus that followed the Boudican revolt. Below this the province was administered through local units - civitates, based on existing peoples, with their own councils and magistrates - the coloniae of Roman veterans, and the military zone.
Urbanisation was the visible instrument of provincial government. Camulodunum, Londinium and Verulamium were joined by civitas capitals across the south and midlands, each with the standard apparatus of forum and basilica, public baths, temples and, in some cases, a theatre or amphitheatre. Roads linked them and the military sites, laid out for the movement of troops and supplies. In the countryside, villas - Roman-style farm buildings - appear from the later first century and multiply thereafter, indicating a landowning class investing in a Roman style of life. Coinage, Roman pottery and imported goods spread through the province.
The term Romanisation covers these changes and needs handling with care, because it is a modern label carrying assumptions. The older model - a beneficial civilising process spreading outwards from the Romans to the natives - has been substantially revised: current scholarship stresses that provincials made active choices, that Roman styles were adopted selectively and differently by different groups, that the result was a mixed provincial culture rather than a copy of Italy, and that much of the population's life changed comparatively little. Tacitus' own remark about servitude shows that the process's political character was visible to contemporaries.
Religion illustrates the mixture better than anything. Roman and local deities were identified with one another: at Bath the healing goddess of the hot spring appears as Sulis Minerva, with a temple and a bathing complex in Roman style and dedications in Latin from soldiers, officials and travellers. The imperial cult, whose temple at Camulodunum had helped provoke the revolt, continued as an expression of loyalty. Soldiers brought their own cults from across the empire, and inscriptions record dedications to a wide range of gods. Nothing here is simple replacement: it is accommodation, translation and layering.
The most remarkable evidence for daily life under Roman rule comes from the fort at Vindolanda, near the line later taken by Hadrian's Wall, where waterlogged conditions preserved hundreds of thin wooden writing tablets from roughly AD 90 to 120. They record duty rosters, supply accounts, requests for leave, private letters between officers and their families - including an invitation to a birthday party - and remarks about the local population. As documentary evidence they are of extraordinary value: unliterary, contemporary, unconcerned with posterity, and produced by exactly the people the literary sources ignore. Any answer on the government of Roman Britain that can deploy them alongside Tacitus is arguing on two independent lines at once.

The effects of Roman rule

What Roman rule changedGraph, Conquest and permanent garrison → Taxation, requisition and army supply, Conquest and permanent garrison → Towns, forums, baths and roads, Towns, forums, baths and roads → Landowning elite adopt Roman styles; villas; Latin, Conquest and permanent garrison → Local and Roman gods identified: Sulis Minerva; imperial cult, Landowning elite adopt Roman styles; villas; Latin → Uneven: strongest in the south-east, least in the north and countryside, Taxation, requisition and army supply → Uneven: strongest in the south-east, least in the north and countrysideConquest andpermanentgarrisonTaxation,requisition andarmy supplyTowns, forums,baths and roadsLandowning eliteadopt Romanstyles; villas;…Local and Romangods identified:Sulis Minerva; …Uneven:strongest in thesouth-east, lea…
Fig. 7The effects were real and uneven: heaviest in the south-east and among the landowning elite, lightest in the north and among the rural majority.
Worked example

Using documentary evidence to answer a social question

What can the Vindolanda writing tablets tell us that Tacitus cannot?

  1. 01Establish what they are

    Thin wooden leaves written in ink, preserved by waterlogging at an auxiliary fort near the northern frontier, dating to roughly AD 90-120: duty rosters, accounts, official correspondence and private letters.

  2. 02Identify their special character

    They were written for immediate practical purposes and were never intended to survive. There is no authorial shaping, no audience beyond the recipient, and no interest in how posterity would judge - which removes almost every distortion that affects literary sources.

  3. 03State what they establish

    Garrison strength and the distribution of men on detachment; supply and diet; the level of literacy among soldiers and officers; the presence of women and children at a frontier fort; social relations between officers' households; and even Roman attitudes to the local population expressed casually rather than rhetorically.

  4. 04Contrast with Tacitus

    Tacitus writes about governors, campaigns and the politics of empire from Rome; he has nothing to say about what a garrison ate, who wrote to whom, or how a unit was actually distributed. The two bodies of evidence barely overlap, which is what makes them complementary.

  5. 05Judge

    Conclude that the tablets are of the highest value for the daily working of the army and frontier society and of no value for the politics of the province, and that an answer on Roman rule which uses both is arguing from two independent directions.

Result: An evaluation that identifies the tablets' unique freedom from authorial purpose and assigns them precisely the questions they can answer.

Exam focus

  • Treat Romanisation as a contested modern term and describe the process as selective and uneven.
  • Deploy the Vindolanda tablets as documentary evidence for daily life and administration that no literary source supplies.

Typical mistakes

  • Presenting Romanisation as a one-way civilising process, a model modern scholarship has substantially revised.
  • Assuming villas and towns mean the whole population's life was transformed; the effects were concentrated by region and class.

Active revision

How far did Roman rule change life for the population of Britain? Distinguish clearly between different regions and social groups.

Active recall

Recall the key points — then reveal.

Sources: OCR AS and A Level Ancient History (H007, H407) specification (OCR (Oxford Cambridge and RSA)) · GCE AS and A level subject content for ancient history (Department for Education)

§ 06

Frontier policy, Hadrian's Wall and the sources#

●●●AdvancedLPOCR H407 Component 2 Depth Study (Britain) - frontier policy to c.128 and the evidenceLPDfE GCE Ancient History subject content

From conquest to frontier

Frontier policy to c.128Graph, Open-ended conquest expected from AD 43 → Northern forts abandoned in the 80s; troops needed elsewhere, Northern forts abandoned in the 80s; troops needed elsewhere → The Stanegate line of forts and road, including Vindolanda, The Stanegate line of forts and road, including Vindolanda → The Wall begun: milecastles, turrets, forts added, the Vallum, Hadrian's policy of consolidation; visit to Britain AD 122 → The Wall begun: milecastles, turrets, forts added, the Vallum, The Wall begun: milecastles, turrets, forts added, the Vallum → Control of movement, patrolling, separation, and a statement of powerOpen-endedconquestexpected from A…Northern fortsabandoned in the80s; troops nee…The Stanegateline of fortsand road, inclu…Hadrian's policyofconsolidation; …The Wall begun:milecastles,turrets, forts …Control ofmovement,patrolling, sep…
Fig. 8A change of assumption rather than a defeat: Rome decided that Britain had a limit, and then built one.

Key points

The abandonment of Agricola's northern gains marks a change of assumption. Roman policy in Britain moved from open-ended conquest - which had been the expectation since AD 43 - to the management of a limit, and the change reflected imperial priorities: troops were needed elsewhere, and the far north offered little return for the forces required to hold it. By the late first and early second century Roman positions had been pulled back to a line of forts and a road across the narrow neck of the island, the arrangement usually called the Stanegate, with garrisons including the fort at Vindolanda whose documents survive.
Hadrian came to the throne in AD 117 with a general policy of consolidation rather than expansion, abandoning some of Trajan's eastern conquests. He visited Britain in AD 122, and the building of the Wall began at about that time - a continuous barrier running roughly eighty Roman miles from the Tyne to the Solway, with small fortlets at intervals of about a mile, two turrets between each pair, and, in a change of plan during construction, forts added on the line itself. A great ditch and mound, the Vallum, was dug to the south. Sections were built first in stone and, in the west, initially in turf.
What the Wall was for is a genuine historical question and should be presented as one. It was not a defensive line to be fought along in the manner of a modern fortification: its garrisons were housed to move through it, and the gateways at the milecastles indicate controlled passage rather than closure. Plausible functions, not mutually exclusive, include controlling and taxing movement, preventing raiding and cattle-theft, separating peoples on either side, providing a fixed base for patrolling beyond the line, and making a visible statement of Roman power and of the decision to stop. The literary evidence is thin: a Life of Hadrian in the collection known as the Historia Augusta says he was the first to build a wall to separate the Romans from the barbarians, but that work is late and often unreliable, so the statement is a starting point rather than a settlement.
The Wall is, however, one of the best-documented monuments of the Roman empire, and the evidence is overwhelmingly material. The structure itself survives over long stretches and can be examined for changes of plan, for the sequence of building, and for later modification. Building inscriptions record legionary detachments and the lengths they completed; altars and tombstones record the units, officers and gods of the garrison; and the Vindolanda tablets illuminate life in the frontier zone in the years immediately before. Together these allow the Wall's construction and manning to be reconstructed in a detail no text approaches.
The source position for the whole depth study should be summarised clearly. Tacitus is the indispensable literary source - the Agricola for the governorship and the Annals for the conquest and the revolt - and is a senator writing decades later with family knowledge, laudatory purposes and a critical view of empire. Cassius Dio adds material, at greater distance, and differs from Tacitus at points. Suetonius supplies context on the emperors. Against this stands one of the richest archaeological and epigraphic records in the Roman world: forts, towns and villas; destruction layers that corroborate the revolt; the Chichester and Classicianus inscriptions; military diplomas and building stones; and the Vindolanda tablets. The subject rewards, more than almost any other on the specification, an argument built from both.

The sources for Roman Britain

Evidence for Roman BritainProbability tree, 7 paths, Data: Literary → Tacitus: the Agricola and the Annals; Literary → Cassius Dio; Suetonius for the emperors; Inscriptions → The Chichester stone; the tombstone of Classicianus; Inscriptions → Building stones, altars and tombstones on the Wall; Documents → The Vindolanda writing tablets, c. AD 90-120; Archaeology → Forts, towns and villas; roads; the Wall itself; Archaeology → Burnt layers corroborating the Boudican destructionLiteraryInscriptionsDocumentsArchaeologyHow we know about Roman BritainTacitus: the Agricola and the AnnalsCassius Dio; Suetonius for the emperorsThe Chichester stone; the tombstone of …Building stones, altars and tombstones …The Vindolanda writing tablets, c. AD 9…Forts, towns and villas; roads; the Wal…Burnt layers corroborating the Boudican…
Fig. 9One major literary source and an exceptional material record - the combination that makes this depth study so rewarding for source integration.
Worked example

Arguing from a monument when the texts are thin

Assess the purposes of Hadrian's Wall using the available evidence.

  1. 01State the evidential situation

    The literary evidence is a single sentence in a late and unreliable Life of Hadrian; the material evidence is a monument surviving over many miles, together with building inscriptions and the record of its garrisons. The argument must therefore be built from the structure.

  2. 02Read the structure

    Milecastles at regular intervals with gateways indicate controlled crossing points rather than a sealed barrier; turrets between them indicate observation; the addition of forts on the line during construction indicates a decision to base troops for movement through and beyond it; the Vallum to the south suggests a controlled military zone.

  3. 03Derive the functions

    Together these support a combination: regulation and taxation of movement, surveillance and rapid response to raiding, and a base for operating north of the line - rather than a defensive wall to be manned against assault, which the garrison numbers could not have sustained along eighty miles.

  4. 04Add the political function

    The Wall was also a statement. It made visible, in the most permanent medium available, the decision that Roman expansion in Britain had stopped, and it fits Hadrian's general policy of consolidation attested elsewhere in the empire.

  5. 05Judge

    Conclude that the purposes were plural and mainly administrative and political rather than narrowly defensive, and note that this conclusion rests on the monument itself - a demonstration that material evidence can carry an argument where the texts are almost silent.

Result: An argument built primarily from a monument, with the weak literary testimony placed accurately rather than leaned on.

Exam focus

  • Present the Wall's purpose as an open question and argue for a combination of functions from the structure itself.
  • Flag the Historia Augusta's unreliability when citing its statement about the Wall's purpose.

Typical mistakes

  • Describing Hadrian's Wall as a defensive rampart to be fought from, which its gateways and garrison arrangements do not support.
  • Treating the abandonment of the far north as a defeat rather than as a decision about imperial priorities.

Active revision

Why was Hadrian's Wall built? Set out three possible purposes and say which the physical evidence best supports.

Active recall

Recall the key points — then reveal.

Sources: OCR AS and A Level Ancient History (H007, H407) specification (OCR (Oxford Cambridge and RSA)) · GCE AS and A level subject content for ancient history (Department for Education)

Contents

Section -- / 06

    • 01Britain before Rome and the Claudian conquest○
    • 02Conquest, resistance and the Druids◐
    • 03The Boudican revolt, AD 60/61◐
    • 04Consolidation and the governorship of Agricola◐
    • 05Administration and the effects of Roman rule●
    • 06Frontier policy, Hadrian's Wall and the sources●

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From notes into training

Roman Depth Study: Ruling Roman Britain, AD 43-c.128

Reinforce this topic with matching tasks from the question bank.

~31
min
3
Competencies
Practise

References & sources

Sources

OCR (Oxford Cambridge and RSA)

  • OCR AS and A Level Ancient History (H007, H407) specification

Department for Education

  • GCE AS and A level subject content for ancient history

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